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	<title>Thematic Insights Archives - Amani Africa</title>
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		<title>Artificial Intelligence: Governance, Peace and Security in Africa</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/artificial-intelligence-governance-peace-and-security-in-africa/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 15 Apr 2026 08:24:38 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Cyber Security]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[AI]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[2026]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Thematic Insights]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=23272</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>15 April 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/artificial-intelligence-governance-peace-and-security-in-africa/">Artificial Intelligence: Governance, Peace and Security in Africa</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
]]></description>
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<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h1 class="font-555555 fontsize-189933 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-color-165108-color" ><span><strong>Artificial Intelligence: Governance, Peace and Security in Africa</strong></span></h1></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span>Date | 15 April 2026</span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow (16 April), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will convene its 1339<sup>th</sup> session on ‘Artificial Intelligence: Governance, Peace and Security in Africa’. The session will be held at the Ministerial level.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Following opening remarks by Gedion Timothewos Hessebon<strong>, </strong>Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and Chairperson of the PSC for April 2026, Mahamoud Ali Youssouf, Chairperson of the AU Commission will make the introductory statement. The meeting will then receive briefings from Worku Gachena Negera, Director General of Ethiopian Artificial Intelligence Institute, and Samson Itodo, Chairperson of the African Union Advisory Group on Artificial Intelligence. Bernardo Mariano Junior, Assistant Secretary-General, Chief Information Technology Officer, UN Office of Information and Communications Technology (UNOICT) will also make a statement.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"> The rapid development of AI and its accelerating deployment across the political, social, economic, cultural, and security fields is attracting growing policy attention. Not surprisingly, there has been a burgeoning engagement on this matter during the past few years on the part of the UN and AU peace and security and governance policy-making bodies. In view of various technical and regulatory gaps and inbuilt flaws associated with AI, the widespread optimism that characterises the adaptation and deployment of AI in Africa requires critical engagement on ways of harnessing its benefits and mitigating its risks, some of which are particular to Africa. It has been <a href="https://african.business/2026/03/long-reads/africa-stakes-its-claim-in-global-ai-governance">reported</a> that AI is projected to add between $ 2.9 trillion and $ 4.8 trillion to Africa’s economy by 2030, presenting an opportunity for the youth who constitute the majority of the African population.   Industries from agriculture and healthcare to education and finance are on the brink of major transformation.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In terms of the deployment of AI, the continent faces a ‘non-linear’ development path marked by significant regional disparities. While East and South Africa possess more mature ecosystems, <strong>Central Africa</strong> remains in a nascent stage due to infrastructure and digital literacy constraints. There are persisting challenges across the continent affecting the potential of AI, including unreliable electricity, fragmented data regulations, a lack of a policy framework and the erosion of local talent to global companies.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Africa currently represents only about <a href="https://au.int/en/pressreleases/20250517/africa-declares-ai-strategic-priority-investment-inclusion-and-innovation#:~:text=With%20the%20continent's%20AI%20compute,enable%20local%20AI%20model%20development.">1%</a> of the world’s AI computing capacity. Without intentional investment and strong governance, the continent risks remaining largely a consumer of technologies built elsewhere, systems designed for different environments and not always aligned with African needs and realities.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">As noted in the various engagements of the AU and the UN, there is recognition that AI is reshaping the global governance, development and security environment. At the level of the UN, engagement on the implications of AI is gaining momentum both in the UNSC and the UN General Assembly. Among others, the UNGA adopted Resolution 79/239 on Artificial Intelligence in the military domain and its implications for international peace and security. Along with the ongoing effort for developing a global governance framework, these developments and the need for addressing the specific needs and concerns of Africa in relation to AI necessitate that Africa and the AU engage actively, among others, on issues of data protection, addressing the digital divide, developing capabilities for adapting and developing AI for Africa, regulatory and technical gaps, protection of vulnerable groups and deployment of AI in the military domain.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">It is against this background that the PSC started convening sessions dedicated to the theme of AI and its governance and peace and security implications. On 13 June 2024 – as part of its 20<sup>th</sup> anniversary commemoration – the AUPSC held its first session dedicated to ‘AI and its impact on peace and security in Africa’. This  <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1214.comm_en.pdf">1214<sup>th</sup></a> session of the Council underscored AI’s transformative potential for peacebuilding, including its applications in early warning systems, conflict prevention, and post-conflict recovery. Most notably, however, it recognised the risks associated with its rapid development in a regulatory vacuum. The meeting tasked the AU Commission to ‘undertake a comprehensive study on the impact and implications of AI on peace, security, stability, democracy and development in Africa and submit the Report to the PSC as soon as possible.’ It also assigned the AU Commission, in particular the PAPS Department, in coordination with the Department of Infrastructure and Energy, to ‘establish a multidisciplinary Advisory Group on AI, peace, security and good governance in Africa; and to propose options for Continental Artificial Intelligence governance, including its military application and to report to Council every six months.’</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Subsequently, the PSC held the first ministerial-level meeting on 20 March 2025 as its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1267.comm_en.pdf">1267<sup>th</sup></a> session under the theme ‘AI and its Impact on Peace and Security in Africa’. Building on its initial session (1214<sup>th</sup>), the 1267<sup>th</sup> session proposed the mainstreaming of AI in peace support operations, early warning systems, and preventive diplomacy, while also calling for the development of <strong>a Common African Position on AI</strong> and <strong>an African Charter on AI</strong> to guide its responsible use. Some progress has since been made in implementing these decisions, notably through the establishment of the <a href="https://papsrepository.africanunion.org/server/api/core/bitstreams/f3c4e62d-018a-4c45-ac3b-3cea50a0d5bc/content">AU AI Advisory Group on Governance, Peace and Security</a> in March 2025. In December 2025, the Advisory Group <a href="https://x.com/AUC_PAPS/status/2000221873037058139">convened</a> in Nairobi, Kenya, to discuss its future plans, including the development of a Common African Position on AI, and to deliberate on emerging AI trends, opportunities and risks in Africa, as well as their implications for governance, conflict prevention and stability. Additionally, a technical workshop on the <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/en/article/strategic-review-meeting-of-the-continental-early-warning-system-concludes">Strategic Assessment and Review of the Continental Early Warning System</a> was held in November 2025 in Kigali, Rwanda, which resulted in the adoption of a joint AU–RECs/RMs Roadmap to integrate AI into early warning processes.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In March 2026, convened under the theme ‘Women, Peace and Security in Africa: Women’s Leadership in Addressing Emerging Threats to Peace and Security: Artificial Intelligence and Technology-Facilitated Violence,’ the PSC’s <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1334.comm_en.pdf">1334<sup>th</sup></a> meeting drew attention to the implications of AI on women, peace and security. It served as a useful occasion for highlighting the deleterious consequences of the adoption of new technology, including AI, particularly in accentuating existing patterns of discrimination and prejudice, including technology-facilitated gender-based violence, online harassment, misinformation and disinformation, which undermines women’s effective leadership, credibility, reputation, participation, safety and authority. In this regard, the Council, among other decisions, directed the AU Commission, in particular the AI Advisory Group on Governance, Peace and Security, to ensure the inclusion of issues relating to women in the development of the Common African Position on AI Governance, Peace and Security.</p>
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<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow’s meeting is being held just a day before the PSC undertakes a field visit to the Ethiopian AI Institute and the Science and Technology Museum, as part of its activities planned for <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/provisional-programme-of-work-of-the-peace-and-security-council-for-april-2026/">April 2026</a>. It should be recalled that the 39<sup>th</sup> Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the Union held in February 2026 endorsed Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed, as the AU Champion for AI. Relatedly, one of the <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/decisions/46188-Assembly_Decisions_31_March_E.pdf">Decisions</a> during the Summit – particularly under the briefing by Cyril Ramaphosa, president of South Africa, on the outcomes of the November 2025 G20 leaders’ summit, was ‘to establish an annual AI for Africa Conference,’ following the inaugural Conference convened in Cape Town in September 2025.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">It is expected that the upcoming session will build on and further expand the PSC’s consideration of AI and governance and peace and security in Africa. Of particular interest in this respect for tomorrow’s session is the role that Africa plays on the one hand in bolstering national and continental technical and regulatory infrastructure for harnessing the benefits and mitigating the risks of AI for governance, development, and peace and security in Africa and on the other hand in participating actively and contributing to shaping the development of global AI governance systems.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow’s session will additionally be an opportunity to follow up on its previous decisions and chart a way forward, particularly during its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1267.comm_en.pdf">1267<sup>th</sup></a> session in which it highlighted the importance of setting up a mechanism ‘to monitor and assess the impact of AI on peace and security, such as an AU Watch Center with a mandate to monitor AI developments worldwide and in Africa, and to regularly inform AU Member States, RECs/RMs and the AU on the state of AI, particularly its impact on governance, peace and security in Africa.’ It may also follow on the decision tasking the AU Commission ‘to organise an African forum bringing together relevant partners and stakeholders to discuss AI as a key tool suited to share best practices and strategies for peace, security and governance in Africa’ and ‘to develop training programmes on AI in support of AU Member States in investing in human capital by training and capturing African talents in the fields of AI.’</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The expected outcome of the session is a communiqué. The PSC may underscore the need for developing technical and regulatory infrastructure, both at the national and continental levels, to position the continent for both harnessing the benefits and containing the risks of the use of AI in Africa. The Council may also emphasise that AI and its use, including in the military domain, are subject to international law rules, including human rights and international humanitarian laws. It may urge Member States to adopt national legislation aligned with the continental strategy and framework to regulate the use of AI, particularly as it relates to governance, peace and security. The PSC may also encourage the Members of the AU Advisory Group on AI in Peace, Security and Governance Group to expedite the development of the Common African Position on AI and its impact on peace, security, democracy and development in Africa in consultation with all AU Member States. Council may also reiterate the importance of ensuring greater representation of Africa on global AI regulatory and governance bodies and mobilise efforts and complementarity among the various initiatives dealing with the issue of AI at the continental and international levels. The PSC may also encourage all Member States to create conducive conditions for more meaningful and effective engagement of women and youth in digital governance, AI policy, conflict prevention, peacebuilding and decision-making, ensuring equitable access to digital tools, literacy and platforms.</p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/artificial-intelligence-governance-peace-and-security-in-africa/">Artificial Intelligence: Governance, Peace and Security in Africa</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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		<title>Informal Consultation: ‘The Impact of the Middle East Crisis on the Peace and Security Situation of Africa’</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/informal-consultation-the-impact-of-the-middle-east-crisis-on-the-peace-and-security-situation-of-africa/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 08 Apr 2026 19:18:45 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[General Issues]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Thematic Insights]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[2026]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=23220</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>8 April 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/informal-consultation-the-impact-of-the-middle-east-crisis-on-the-peace-and-security-situation-of-africa/">Informal Consultation: ‘The Impact of the Middle East Crisis on the Peace and Security Situation of Africa’</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h1 class="font-555555 fontsize-189933 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-color-165108-color" ><span><strong>Informal Consultation: ‘The Impact of the Middle East Crisis on the Peace and Security Situation of Africa’</strong></span></h1></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span>Date | 8 April 2026</span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow (9 April), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) is expected to convene an informal consultation on the ‘Impact of the Middle East Crisis on the Peace and Security Situation of Africa.’</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Following opening remarks by Hirut Zemene, Permanent Representative of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia to the AU and Chairperson of the PSC for April 2026, the AU Commission is expected to share its tracking of how the situation in the Middle East is impacting peace and security in Africa. Apart from the Department of Political Affairs, Peace and Security, the AU Department of Economic Development, Trade, Tourism, Industry and Minerals may also brief the Council.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">While the AU, through the Chairperson of the Commission and individual member states, made statements which also drew attention to the consequences of the war, this is the first time the issue featured as an agenda item of a policy organ of the AU. It is to be recalled that this was not initially on the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/provisional-programme-of-work-of-the-peace-and-security-council-for-april-2026/">April 2026 Programme of Work</a>. It appears that it was added in view of the deepening consequences of the war and recent signs of its possible expansion to the Red Sea, with all its risks of directly drawing the Horn of Africa into the conflict.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">There are at least three aspects to the impact of this war that may be of interest to members of the PSC. Given the high-level vulnerability and dependence of many in Africa on global supply chains, the disruption this war caused would have direct implications for the social and economic well-being of many countries. As the AU Commission Chairperson noted in a statement he issued on 8 April, the repercussions of the conflict have been felt across the world, including Africa, where disruptions to fuel supplies have driven inflation and increased the cost of basic commodities.’ This can strain, and if prolonged, potentially trigger instability in fragile social and political contexts. A defining feature of this crisis is also the <a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2026/04/1167233#:~:text=Even%20oil%20exporters%20face%20pain,petroleum%20products%20at%20higher%20prices%E2%80%9D.">energy crunch</a> triggered by the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which has removed nearly 20% of the global oil supply from the market and driven crude prices towards well over $100 per barrel. This surge has created a widespread energy shock that affects even African oil exporters, and with other countries, including Kenya, Ethiopia and Zambia, reporting <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/video/counting-the-cost/2026/4/7/can-africa-tackle-the-oil-shock-from-the-iran-war">shortages</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Second, this conflict, both by dominating and diverting diplomatic and international attention, can also lead to not only the overshadowing but also the neglect of conflict situations in Africa, such as in Sudan. Third, without some measure of containment of the war, it can draw Africa more directly as the risk of its expansion to the Red Sea increases.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/pressreleases/46223-pr-policy_brief-the_impacts_of_the_middle_east_conflict_on_africa-april_2026_.pdf"><strong>policy brief</strong></a> that the AU, UNECA, AfDB and UNDP published on 2 April provides further details of the assessment of these institutions on how this war is impacting Africa. It projected a loss of 0.2 percentage points on Africa’s GDP in 2026, particularly if it persists over six months. It may also precipitate not only a cost-of-living crisis but also food insecurity, which can be particularly consequential due to the disruption of the supply of fertilisers.  It also raises the spectre of heightened geopolitical competition in fragile settings already affected by external interference, such as Sudan, Somalia and Libya.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">AU statements over the course of this crisis reflect the growing concern over these implications. On 28 February 2026, the AU Commission issued two statements (<a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/pressreleases/46068-pr-PRESS_STATEMENT_-_US_Iran.pdf">here</a> and <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/pressreleases/46069-pr-Statement_by_H.E._the_Chairperson_of_the_African_Union_on_Escalation_of_Conflict_in_the_Middle_East_.pdf">here</a>) warning that escalation ‘threatens to worsen global instability, with serious implications for energy markets, food security and socio-economic resilience, particularly in Africa. Where conflict and economic pressures remain acute.’ On 9 March 2026, the chairperson of the Commission issued a statement <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/pressreleases/46114-pr-STATEMENT_BY_THE_CHAIRPERSON_OF_THE_AFRICAN_UNION_COMMISSION_ON_PERSIAN_GULF.pdf"><strong>stressing</strong></a> the implications of the crisis for energy security, trade routes and African economies. On 3 April 2026, the Chairperson welcomed the China-Pakistan Five-Point <a href="https://au.int/en/pressreleases/20260403/china-pakistan-five-point-initiative-situation-gulf-and-middle-east"><strong>Initiative</strong></a><strong>,</strong> in which he expressed further deep concern over the consequences of the continuation of the conflict to Africa. On 8 April 2026, the Chairperson also <a href="https://au.int/en/pressreleases/20260408/chairperson-welcomes-us-iran-ceasefire-agreement-and-urges-sustained-dialogue"><strong>welcomed</strong></a> the US-Iran ceasefire agreement while highlighting the effects of the conflict on Africa through inflation, fuel supply disruption and the rising cost of basic commodities.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">One of the concerns expected to feature during tomorrow’s informal session is the Horn of Africa-Red Sea nexus. Among African sub-regions, the Horn is one of those most directly exposed to the interaction between Middle Eastern rivalries, maritime insecurity and external military interests. This concern is sharpened by the Houthis’ declared <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/yemens-houthis-confirm-launching-attack-israel-first-time-current-war-2026-03-28/"><strong>entry</strong></a> into the current war, which raises the prospect of renewed threats to Red Sea shipping and a further deterioration of the security environment along one of Africa’s most strategic maritime corridors. In this respect, tensions in the Middle East affect Africa not only economically, but also through security and geopolitical competition, particularly in the Red Sea corridor. Indeed, the active and sustained participation of the Houthis in Yemen could also increase the risk of potential use of the Horn of Africa in responding to the Houthis&#8217; involvement, thereby exposing the region to direct retaliatory attacks.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The other issue is the humanitarian dimension, alongside the related question of fuel supply disruption. One of the more immediate implications for Africa is that instability in the Gulf and surrounding shipping lanes can complicate the movement of essential supplies and increase both transport costs and the cost of humanitarian delivery into already fragile contexts. This is particularly relevant for Sudan and Somalia, where questions of access, cost, energy supply and donor attention are already major concerns. From this perspective, the PSC may consider these humanitarian effects not merely as economic consequences, but as part of the wider peace and security implications of the crisis for states already affected by conflict and displacement.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">A fourth issue relates to Africa’s diplomatic posture. AU statements issued over the course of the crisis sought to tread carefully, inclined largely to toe the middle ground. It has exposed the AU to be charged with <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/the-african-union-s-crisis-of-consistency-a-test-of-principled-leadership/">a crisis of inconsistency</a>. This is in part attributed to failure to name the initial act as a violation of Article 2(4) of the UN Charter, opting to remain vague in characterising the nature of the act, while the statement on retaliatory measures was ‘anything but vague’ as it expressed strong condemnation, defining it as ‘a clear violation of sovereignty and territorial integrity.’ Given that the only weight the AU can mobilise is moral authority and international law-based principled consistency in its policy pronouncements and positions, the lack of these deprives it of any credibility.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">As possible courses of action, the PSC may wish to move beyond a purely declaratory response. One option may be to call for more sustained attention to the implications of the crisis for the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea, particularly regarding maritime security, humanitarian access and the wider consequences for fragile settings. Another may be to encourage more systematic reflection of these risks in the AU’s early warning and preventive work. The session may also offer an opportunity to reaffirm an African posture anchored in principled respect for international law rules, rather than one shaped by the alignments to external actors. Importantly, it may task the AU to further flesh out the short, medium and long-term implications of this conflict and the policy measures that need to be adopted along those different timelines as set out in the joint AU-UNECA-AfDB-UNDB briefing.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Since the session will be held in an informal format, no outcome document is expected to be adopted.</p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/informal-consultation-the-impact-of-the-middle-east-crisis-on-the-peace-and-security-situation-of-africa/">Informal Consultation: ‘The Impact of the Middle East Crisis on the Peace and Security Situation of Africa’</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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		<title>Open Session on Hate Crimes and Fighting Genocide Ideology in Africa</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/open-session-on-hate-crimes-and-fighting-genocide-ideology-in-africa-8-april-2026/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 07 Apr 2026 08:18:55 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Ideology of Hate and Genocide]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[2026]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=23181</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>7 April 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/open-session-on-hate-crimes-and-fighting-genocide-ideology-in-africa-8-april-2026/">Open Session on Hate Crimes and Fighting Genocide Ideology in Africa</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class="wpb-content-wrapper"><div data-parent="true" class="vc_row row-container" id="row-unique-2"><div class="row unequal col-half-gutter double-top-padding no-bottom-padding one-h-padding full-width row-parent"><div class="wpb_row row-inner"><div class="wpb_column pos-top pos-center align_left column_parent col-lg-12 single-internal-gutter"><div class="uncol style-light font-555555"  ><div class="uncoltable"><div class="uncell" ><div class="uncont no-block-padding col-custom-width" style=" max-width:996px;" ><div class="empty-space empty-half" ><span class="empty-space-inner"></span></div>
<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h1 class="font-555555 fontsize-189933 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-color-165108-color" ><span><strong>Open Session on Hate Crimes and Fighting Genocide Ideology in Africa</strong></span></h1></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span>Date | 7 April 2026</span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow (8 April), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will convene its 1337<sup>th</sup> session as an open session to deliberate on Hate Crimes and Fighting Genocide Ideology in Africa.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Following opening remarks by Hirut Zemene, Permanent Representative of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia to the AU and Chair of the PSC for April 2026, Bankole Adeoye, Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS), is expected to make a statement. Presentations are expected from Adama Dieng, AU Special Envoy for the Prevention of Genocide and other Mass Atrocities, a Representative of the Republic of Rwanda and the Special Adviser of the UN Secretary-General on the Prevention of Genocide.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The session is being convened pursuant to the PSC decision adopted at its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/678th-com-11-04-2017.pdf">678<sup>th</sup></a> meeting of 11 April 2017, which decided to hold an annual session on the prevention of hate ideology, genocide and hate crimes in Africa in the context of the commemoration of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. It also forms part of the AU’s annual commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, following Assembly Decision <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/decisions/36130-assembly_au_dec_690_-_712_xxxi_e.pdf">Assembly/AU/Dec.695</a> of 2 July 2018, designating 7 April as the AU Day of Commemoration. This year marks the 32<sup>nd</sup> commemoration of the 1994 genocide. Coming amid mounting atrocity risks in several conflict settings, this year’s session may be shaped not only by remembrance but also by a sharper focus on prevention.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">It is to be recalled that the last session of the Council on this theme at its <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/uploads/1272.press.stat-en.pdf">1272<sup>nd</sup></a>  session called on member states to put in place legislative and institutional measures to prevent hate ideology, hate crimes and genocide, to confront genocide denialism and urged improved collection of data on hate crimes including through strengthening of the cyber capabilities of the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS). In addition to encouraging collaboration with digital platforms, the media and civil society to counter content that incites hatred and violence, it also called for the establishment of a continental research centre on hate speech and genocide ideology. Yet many of the priorities identified in that session remain unfinished, and events observed in some conflict situations underscore the urgency of some of the measures.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Among the key unfinished items is also the long-pending review by the Panel of the Wise on the status of implementation of the recommendations issued by the OAU International Panel of Eminent Personalities to investigate the 1994 genocide in Rwanda and the surrounding events. This review carries particular weight given the enduring relevance of the Panel’s own <a href="https://francegenocidetutsi.org/OauPreventableGenocide.pdf">warning</a> that, ‘if there is anything worse than the genocide itself, it is the knowledge that it did not have to happen.’ That conclusion speaks to a central lesson of the 1994 Genocide: the atrocity was not inevitable, but was enabled in part by the failure of both African and international actors to act preventively before the violence escalated and to stop it once it was underway. It was precisely in response to that failure that, during the transition from the OAU to the AU, Africa’s continental body departed from a rigid reliance on non-interference and instead anchored itself in the principle of non-indifference, as reflected in Article 4(h) of the Constitutive Act. In this respect, the memory of Rwanda is not merely historical; it is bound up with the very normative and institutional foundation of the AU. The issue is equally salient for the PSC, particularly in light of Article 7 of its Protocol, which mandates the Council ‘to anticipate and prevent disputes and conflicts, as well as policies that may lead to genocide and crimes against humanity.’</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The fight against genocide ideology, together with the observance of the commemoration of the 1994 genocide, is also about reaffirming a collective responsibility to the promise of ‘never again’ and the principle of non-indifference. Indeed, remembrance was not just about paying respect to the victims and survivors, but an occasion to renew commitment to prevention. In that context, Dieng <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/uploads/se-ading-31st-commemoration-of-the-1994-genocide-against-the-tutsi-in-rwanda.pdf">underscored</a> that when honouring the victims of the genocide against the Tutsi, ‘we should be looking back, but we should also be looking forward,’ since ‘the commitment not to forget and the commitment to prevent are two sides of the same coin.’ Developments over the past year, and the realities still unfolding today, have only reinforced the urgency of that message.</p>
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<p style="text-align: justify;">Most notable in this respect is the situation in Sudan. In April 2025, amid rising hate speech and ethnically driven violence in Darfur, the UN Fact-Finding Mission <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/04/sudan-un-fact-finding-mission-deplores-darfur-killings-conflict-enters-third">warned</a> that the ‘darkest chapters’ of the conflict may still lie ahead. By February 2026, the same Mission <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2026/02/sudan-evidence-el-fasher-reveals-genocidal-campaign-targeting-non-arab">found</a> that the Rapid Support Force (RSF) had carried out a coordinated campaign of destruction against non-Arab communities in and around El Fasher, the hallmarks of which point to genocide. At the Human Rights Council’s 38<sup>th</sup> <a href="https://webtv.un.org/en/asset/k1i/k1i5v5642t">Special Session</a> on the situation in and around El Fasher in November 2025, Adama Dieng, presenting a joint statement also on behalf of Mr Chaloka Beyani, UN Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, stressed that ‘the risk of genocide exists in Sudan. It is real, and it is growing, every single day.’ The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR)-led joint fact-finding mission <a href="https://achpr.au.int/sites/default/files/files/2025-10/report-virtual-joint-fact-finding-mission-human-rights-situation-sudan-eng.pdf">report</a> further underscores Sudan&#8217;s relevance to the upcoming PSC session. It documents racially and ethnically motivated violence, including attacks on non-Arab communities such as the Massalit, Fur and Zaghawa, as well as hate speech, incitement and patterns of abuse that may amount to genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. For the PSC, Sudan thus stands as the clearest contemporary illustration of the cost of failing to translate early warning into timely political and protective action.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">There are also concerns over the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), where the nexus between armed conflict, identity-based mobilisation and hate speech has become increasingly pronounced. By September 2025, the UN Human Rights Office <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/statements-and-speeches/2025/09/hc-turk-democratic-republic-congo-genuine-ceasefire-needed-urgently">warned</a> that hate speech and ethnically motivated attacks had increased in Kinshasa and the Kasai provinces against people presumed to be associated with the M23. Human Rights Watch (<a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2025/09/15/dr-congo-militias-army-threaten-south-kivu-civilians">here</a> and <a href="https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2026/country-chapters/democratic-republic-of-congo">here</a>) has also documented the targeting of Banyamulenge communities and pointed to the growing salience of anti-Banyamulenge and anti-Tutsi sentiment within the broader conflict environment. Taken together, these developments illustrate how identity-based hostility, inflammatory rhetoric and communal targeting not only inflame the conflict but also make the resolution of the conflict in eastern DRC more difficult. It would therefore be of interest for PSC members to hear from Dieng on his assessment of the principal risk theatres on the continent and on the practical steps needed to ensure that the AU reverses the betrayal of its foundational promise of ‘never again’.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Beyond Sudan and eastern DRC, developments elsewhere on the continent show that the risks associated with hate speech, exclusionary narratives and identity-based targeting are neither confined to conventional conflict settings nor limited to active war zones. The digital sphere is emerging as an increasingly important risk domain, with Africa-focused analysis <a href="https://www.unesco.org/en/articles/new-unesco-undp-issue-brief-highlights-impacts-ai-freedom-expression-and-elections">warning</a> that artificial intelligence (AI)-generated disinformation, deepfakes and the amplification of hate speech are reshaping the continent’s information environment. A similar preventive concern arises in North Africa, including notably in Libya and Tunisia. In Libya, the UN envoy <a href="https://apnews.com/article/un-libya-security-volatile-elections-hate-speech-a7e8d2b61613869b020943ee77734e62">warned</a> the Security Council of a surge in xenophobic and racist hate speech inciting violence against migrants, asylum-seekers, refugees and humanitarian organisations. In Tunisia, the forcible <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/tunisia-dismantles-sub-saharan-migrant-camps-forcibly-deports-some-2025-04-05/">dismantling</a> of camps housing sub-Saharan African migrants and the deportation of some of them revived concerns over racialised incitement. Taken together, these cases underscore the wider relevance of the upcoming session by showing that the danger posed by hate speech and identity-based hostility cuts across conflict, migration and digital spaces.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">It is also expected that emphasis will be put on prevention through education and memory. In April 2025, UNESCO and Rwanda <a href="https://www.unesco.org/en/articles/genocide-against-tutsi-unesco-and-rwanda-step-role-education-memorial-sites">announced</a> measures to strengthen the educational role of genocide memorial sites, including training staff to receive school groups, enhancing exhibitions, developing educational content for use in schools, digitising survivor testimonies and supporting social media campaigns to counter the falsification of historical facts and online misinformation about the Genocide against the Tutsi. During the AU’s 2025 commemoration, speakers similarly <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/uploads/srsg-remarks-31st-commemoration-of-the-genocide-against-tutsis-07-april-2025.pdf">stressed</a> the importance of the responsible use of media, both digital and non-digital, as well as AI and education, in preventing genocide and other mass atrocity crimes.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">While not central to the immediate conflict-driven risk theatres likely to dominate the session, the UN General Assembly’s recent recognition of the transatlantic slave trade as the gravest crime against humanity carries wider normative relevance for the PSC’s discussion. It reinforces the importance of confronting the historical and contemporary legacies of racialised dehumanisation, denial and exclusion, and lends further weight to the view that remembrance, historical truth and accountability are integral to preventing hate-driven violence and atrocity crimes.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The expected outcome of the session is a communiqué. The PSC may reiterate its concern over the persistent spread of hate ideologies, genocide denialism and incitement to violence in Africa. It may renew its call for AU member states to adopt legislation and institutions for the prevention and punishment of hate crimes and genocide, and to cooperate in the investigation and prosecution of perpetrators. The Council may also call for accelerated follow-up on the strengthening of CEWS cyber capacity, the improvement of hate-crime data collection and the development of partnerships with digital platforms, the media and civil society. The Council may further urge greater attention to contemporary situations where genocide and atrocity risks are manifest, particularly in Darfur, Sudan. It may welcome the continued engagement of the AU Special Envoy, encourage closer collaboration with RECs/RMs, civil society, women and youth actors, and call for follow-up on the Continental Research Centre on Hate Speech and Genocide Ideology, the Panel of the Wise review, and the operational linkage between remembrance, education and prevention.</p>
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		<title>Briefing by the Panel of the Wise on its Activities in Africa</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/briefing-by-the-panel-of-the-wise-on-it-s-activities-in-africa/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 15 Mar 2026 21:32:35 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[APSA Tools and Pillars]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[2026]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Thematic Insights]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=23094</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>16 March 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/briefing-by-the-panel-of-the-wise-on-it-s-activities-in-africa/">Briefing by the Panel of the Wise on its Activities in Africa</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h1 class="font-555555 fontsize-189933 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-color-165108-color" ><span><strong>Briefing by the Panel of the Wise on its Activities in Africa</strong></span></h1></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span>Date | 16 March 2026</span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow (17 March), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will convene its 1336<sup>th</sup> meeting to receive a briefing from the AU Panel of the Wise on its activities in Africa.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Following opening remarks by Mahlaba Ali Mamba, Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of Eswatini to the AU and Chairperson of the PSC for March 2026, Bankole Adeoye, Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS), is expected to make an introductory statement. Domitien Ndayizeye, Chair of the Panel of the Wise, is expected to brief the Council.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The Panel of the Wise, one of the key pillars of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) for preventive diplomacy, last briefed the PSC in March 2025. Although the PSC’s <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/uploads/final-communique-665-psc-meeting-panel-of-the-wise-13-3-2017-eng.pdf">665<sup>th</sup></a> session in March 2017 envisaged quarterly briefings by the Panel, engagement between the two has in practice remained largely annual. During its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/psc-1264.comm-en.pdf">1264<sup>th</sup></a> session of 11 March 2025, the Panel reaffirmed the Panel’s central role in conflict prevention, mediation and peacebuilding. That session drew particular attention to tensions in South Sudan and underscored the need for strengthening both resources and the AU presence on the ground. The Council also highlighted growing expectations on the Panel, including responding rapidly to emerging crises, sustaining engagement in fragile transitions and working more closely with partners. To support this, the PSC directed the AU Commission to strengthen early warning analysis for the Panel and undertake joint scenario-building with experts such as NeTT4Peace.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Broadly speaking, three sets of activities are expected to feature during tomorrow’s session. The first relates to the core mandate of the Panel, preventive diplomacy initiatives with respect to risks of eruption of conflicts or relapse into conflict. The second relates to the Panel’s engagement in election-related activities. The final one relates to the activities of the subsidiary bodies of the Panel, such as FemWise.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In terms of preventive diplomacy work of the Panel, the Panel’s missions to South Sudan and Madagascar are expected to receive particular attention.  The Panel’s continued engagement in South Sudan, while not enough to reverse the deteriorating situation, is expected to be of interest to the PSC. Following the PSC’s <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1270.press_.stat-en.pdf">1270<sup>th</sup></a> meeting of 31 March 2025, which requested a high-level delegation led by the Panel of the Wise to help ‘de-escalate the tensions, cease-fire, and to mediate between the parties’, the Panel undertook a four-day <a href="https://jubaechotv.com.ss/african-union-panel-of-the-wise-concludes-visit-to-south-sudan/">mission</a> to Juba in early April 2025 and engaged key stakeholders. A major gap was the denial of access to Riek Machar. The Panel also <a href="https://cmi.fi/2025/09/02/cmi-au-mapping-workshop-civil-society-south-sudan-csos-peacebuilding/">convened</a> a consultative roundtable with South Sudanese civil society in Addis Ababa in June 2025. The Panel reportedly later recommended the appointment of an AU High-Level Representative, and at its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1297.comm_en.pdf">1297<sup>th</sup></a> session, the PSC called on the Commission Chairperson to ‘urgently appoint’ one, although this had yet to be acted upon. The Council renewed the same appeal at its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1326.comm-en.pdf">1326<sup>th</sup></a> meeting on 23 January 2026. Tomorrow’s session may therefore allow the Council to assess how this engagement can enable conditions for effective peacemaking, urgently needed for arresting South Sudan’s relapse back to full civil war currently underway.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Another area likely to feature in the briefing concerns the Panel’s engagement in Madagascar. It is to be recalled that at its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1306comm_en.pdf">1306<sup>th</sup></a> emergency meeting of 15 October 2025, the PSC suspended Madagascar following the unconstitutional change of government. In the same session, the Council reiterated ‘its recommendation to the Chairperson of the Union, with the support of the Chairperson of the AU Commission, to immediately dispatch a high-level delegation to Madagascar to engage with the stakeholders concerned’. This followed a similar recommendation made by the PSC at its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1305.comm_en-1.pdf">1305<sup>th</sup></a> meeting two days earlier. On 16 October 2025, the AU Commission <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/pressreleases/45516-pr-PR-_African_Union_Deploys_High-Level_Delegation_to_Engage_National_Stakeholders_in_the_Republic_of_Madagascar_Towards_the_Restoration_of_Constitutional_Order.pdf">announced</a> the deployment of a high-level delegation to Madagascar, coordinated with the Southern African Development Community (SADC), aimed at engaging state authorities, political parties, civil society and youth representatives in support of a Malagasy-owned, inclusive and civilian-led national dialogue geared toward restoring constitutional democratic governance.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The delegation to Madagascar, led by Domitien Ndayizeye and undertaken alongside AU Special Envoy Mohamed Idris Farah, visited Antananarivo from 7 to 11 November 2025. During the visit, the AU delegation consulted transitional leader Michael Randrianirina, Prime Minister Herintsalama Rajaonarivelo, Foreign Minister Christine Razanamahasoa and other stakeholders. The PSC’s <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1313.comm_en.pdf">1313</a><a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1313.comm_en.pdf"><sup>th</sup></a>  meeting of 20 November 2025 received briefings from both Ndayizeye and Farah. Tomorrow’s session may therefore provide the PSC with an opportunity to take stock of the Panel’s engagement in Madagascar and to encourage sustained coordination between the Panel, the AU Special Envoy and SADC in support of mediation and an inclusive path toward restoring constitutional order.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In electoral contexts, the Panel continued with efforts to promote peaceful electoral conditions in countries involved in electoral processes. Accordingly, it undertook missions, among others, to Cote d’Ivoire, Guinea Bissau, Malawi and Tanzania through pre-election assessments, dialogue with political actors and institutions, confidence-building measures and post-electoral follow-up, helping to promote restraint, sustain political dialogue and reinforce trust in constitutional and electoral processes. As events in Guinea-Bissau and Tanzania illustrated, these efforts did not change electoral instability and violence. Tomorrow’s session would afford both the PSC and the Panel the opportunity to reflect on ways of improving the working methods and approaches to the Panel’s engagement in elections to make it more impactful than performative.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Another activity likely to receive attention is the Panel’s engagement in the Sahel and West Africa. On 15–16 December 2025, the Panel of the Wise <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/en/article/african-union-panel-of-the-wise-holds-consultative-roundtable-with-religious-and-traditional-leaders-from-the-sahel-and-west-africa">convened</a> a two-day consultative roundtable with eminent religious and traditional leaders in support of preventive diplomacy, dialogue, peace and social cohesion. The discussions highlighted the role of these leaders in promoting peaceful coexistence and stressed inclusive, community-based approaches involving women, youth, faith leaders, traditional authorities and state institutions, while also exploring more sustained mechanisms for collaboration with the PSC and the AU Commission.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow’s session is also expected to review the work of the Panel’s subsidiary mechanisms and their contribution to AU preventive diplomacy. A key milestone for FemWise-Africa was the onboarding of its second continental cohort of members, <a href="https://www.accord.org.za/news/the-african-union-commission-nett4peace-and-accord-held-an-orientation-and-advanced-mediation-training-for-the-second-cohort-of-the-femwise-africa-network/">conducted</a> in collaboration with RECs/RMs and NeTT4Peace, through which 50 experienced women mediators were selected, expanding the pool available for AU deployment and concluding the Network’s re-conceptualisation to strengthen its support for AU-led mediation. FemWise-Africa also held a reflective <a href="https://www.accord.org.za/news/roundtable-reflective-meeting-on-the-femwise-africa-decentralisation-process-to-regional-and-national-levels/">meeting</a> in Dakar in December 2025 on lessons from its decentralisation process, generating recommendations on membership, resource mobilisation and practical engagement to strengthen its chapters. Similarly, the AU WiseYouth Network <a href="https://www.accord.org.za/news/the-1st-african-youth-consultation-on-mediation-preventative-diplomacy-and-peace-processes/">held</a> the first African Youth Consultation on Mediation, Preventive Diplomacy and Peace Processes in Kigali from 30 September to 2 October 2025, bringing together youth mediators, policymakers and emerging leaders to reflect on youth participation, share best practices and develop recommendations for expanding the role of youth in peace processes. Together, these efforts deepened the integration of gender-sensitive and youth-sensitive perspectives into AU preventive diplomacy and reflected closer coordination between the Panel and its subsidiary bodies, including through joint deployments to Gabon, Malawi, Tanzania and Côte d’Ivoire.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Another development that may feature in tomorrow’s briefing is the participation of members of the Panel, together with AU Special Envoys and High Representatives, representatives of regional organisations, and international partners, in the 16<sup>th</sup> High-Level <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/uploads/pr-final-16th-hlr-22-oct-2025x.pdf">Retreat</a> on the Promotion of Peace, Security and Stability in Africa held in Aswan, Egypt, from 21 to 22 October 2025 under the theme ‘Reframing AU Mediation – Consolidating African Leadership and Ownership’. The retreat reflected on ways of strengthening Africa-led mediation and preventive diplomacy and underscored the importance of more inclusive peace processes that engage women, youth, traditional and religious leaders, and local communities as indispensable actors in building sustainable peace and reconciliation.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In addition, on 19 December 2025, the Panel was <a href="https://au.int/en/pressreleases/20251219/auc-chairperson-received-members-au-panel-wise-au-hq">hosted</a> by Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, Chairperson of the AU Commission, at AU Headquarters for discussions on preventive diplomacy strategies, ongoing reforms within the peace and security architecture and the changing security threats facing the continent. During that meeting, the Chairperson expressed appreciation for the Panel’s proactive engagement in conflict prevention and mediation and reiterated the Commission’s commitment to supporting the Panel’s role in advancing African-owned and African-led peace initiatives.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The expected outcome of the session is a communiqué. The PSC is expected to welcome the Panel’s preventive diplomacy missions, particularly in South Sudan and Madagascar, as well as its missions to countries in transition and its electoral preventive diplomacy efforts. It may urge efforts for enhanced integration of FemWise and AU WiseYouth network into the various preventive diplomacy initiatives and peacemaking processes. The PSC may also call for an assessment of the efficacy of the working methods and approaches of the Panel, as well as the institutional and working arrangements of the Panel, as a critical measure for reinvigorating the role of the Panel in view of the escalation and complexity of insecurity and conflicts. It may stress the need to reinvigorate early warning and conflict prevention through closer collaboration with the Panel, while also calling for stronger coordination in supporting complex transitions, sustaining peace in fragile contexts and enabling early action to de-escalate emerging crises. The Council may further emphasise the need for better resourcing and more systematic follow-up to Panel missions, while encouraging closer cooperation with RECs/RMs and the UN, as well as other AU good offices. It may also welcome the first African Youth Consultation on Mediation, Preventive Diplomacy and Peace Processes held in Kigali from 30 September to 2 October 2025.</p>
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		<title>WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY: Women’s Leadership in Addressing Emerging Threats to Peace and Security: Artificial Intelligence and Technology-Facilitated Violence</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/women-peace-and-security-womens-leadership-in-addressing-emerging-threats-to-peace-and-security-artificial-intelligence-and-technology-facilitated-violence/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 08 Mar 2026 07:14:27 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Women, Peace & Security]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Women Peace & Security]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[AI]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[2026]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=22962</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>8 March 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/women-peace-and-security-womens-leadership-in-addressing-emerging-threats-to-peace-and-security-artificial-intelligence-and-technology-facilitated-violence/">WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY: Women’s Leadership in Addressing Emerging Threats to Peace and Security: Artificial Intelligence and Technology-Facilitated Violence</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class="wpb-content-wrapper"><div data-parent="true" class="vc_row row-container" id="row-unique-6"><div class="row unequal col-half-gutter double-top-padding double-bottom-padding one-h-padding full-width row-parent"><div class="wpb_row row-inner"><div class="wpb_column pos-top pos-center align_left column_parent col-lg-12 single-internal-gutter"><div class="uncol style-light font-555555"  ><div class="uncoltable"><div class="uncell" ><div class="uncont no-block-padding col-custom-width" style=" max-width:996px;" ><div class="empty-space empty-half" ><span class="empty-space-inner"></span></div>
<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h1 class="font-555555 fontsize-189933 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-color-165108-color" ><span>WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY: Women’s Leadership in Addressing Emerging Threats to Peace and Security: Artificial Intelligence and Technology-Facilitated Violence</span></h1></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span>Date | 8 March 2026</span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow (9 March), the African Union Peace and Security Council (PSC) will convene its 1334th open session on Women’s Leadership in Addressing Emerging Threats to Peace and Security: Artificial Intelligence and Technology-Facilitated Violence. The meeting will take place virtually and forms part of the Council’s continued engagement with the implementation of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda across Africa.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Following opening remarks by Almon Mahlaba Mamba, Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of Eswatini to the African Union and Chairperson of the PSC for March 2026, Bankole Adeoye, Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security, will deliver introductory remarks. Liberata Mulamula, Special Envoy of the Chairperson of the AU Commission on Women, Peace and Security (WPS), is also expected to make a presentation to the Council, followed by a statement from Justice Effie Ewuor, Co-Chair of FemWise-Africa, and a presentation by the Representative of UN Women. Additionally, statements are also expected from PSC Members, AU Member States, and Regional Economic Communities/Regional Mechanisms (RECs/RMs).</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The 1334<sup>th</sup> session continues the PSC&#8217;s institutionalised engagement with the WPS agenda, formalised as a standing item at its 223<sup>rd</sup> meeting in March 2010. Since institutionalising the WPS agenda, the PSC has convened 28 dedicated sessions, with this 1334th meeting extending its thematic scope to women’s leadership against AI and technology-facilitated violence. While the Council has made evident progress through thematic expansions, encompassing women’s roles in preventing violent extremism, displacement/refugee protection, media accountability, economic integration, and WPS linkages to the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), these advances remain ad hoc and inconsistent.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The session convenes amid a sharply deteriorating continental peace and security landscape, marked by protracted conflicts in Sudan, eastern DRC, the Sahel, and the Horn of Africa, where women&#8217;s leadership proves indispensable for tackling both AI-driven threats and technology-facilitated violence. Protracted conflicts in the Sahel, Great Lakes region, and Horn of Africa, exacerbated by Sudan’s war, renewed eastern DRC violence, and Somalia’s instability, continue fueling mass displacement, humanitarian crises, and civilian atrocities. Women and girls suffer disproportionately, facing conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), early/forced marriage, economic exclusion, and barriers to peace processes. In many contexts, sexual violence serves as a deliberate war tactic, while shrinking civic space stifles activism; now, AI-amplified disinformation, cyber-harassment, and online gender-based violence compound these risks, demanding women-led strategies for digital resilience and accountability.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">This backdrop renders tomorrow’s PSC session pivotal, as the rapid proliferation of digital technologies and AI is reshaping political communication, conflict dynamics, and social interactions across Africa. Artificial intelligence and emerging digital technologies are also expected to become a major driver of economic transformation on the continent, with projections indicating that they could add around <a href="https://africa.sis.gov.eg/english/library/reports/artificial-intelligence-could-boost-africa-s-economy-by-15-trillion-by-2030/">$1.5 trillion to Africa’s GDP by 2030</a>. While offering avenues for economic growth, innovation, and governance gains, including the emergence of women-led digital peacebuilding tools, these technological advancements are also generating new risks. In particular, they have enabled forms of technology-facilitated violence that disproportionately target women in public life, including peacebuilders, journalists, activists, and leaders.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow’s session offers an opportunity for the PSC to rigorously assess how AI-driven threats and digital technology violence are intensifying conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), eroding civic space, and systematically targeting women peacebuilders, journalists, activists, and leaders amid governance erosion and escalating crises on the continent. A 2024 UNU-Interpeace <a href="https://www.interpeace.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/disinformation_peacebuilding_subsaharan_africa.pdf">report</a> on sub-Saharan Africa reveals AI-generated deep fakes and botnets fueling ethnic polarization and undermining peacekeeping efforts in the DRC, while a 2025 <a href="https://www.womenatthetable.net/2025/10/09/when-ai-becomes-a-weapon-technology-facilitated-gender-based-violence-in-africa/">study</a> across 11 countries documents devastating cases: Ethiopia&#8217;s Mayor endured deep fake pornography viewed 562,000 times (90% believed it is real), and Cameroon&#8217;s Brenda Biya faced coordinated harassment reaching 8.9 million via 92 identical posts evading moderation through ‘spamouflage.’ Binding Hook&#8217;s 2026 <a href="https://bindinghook.com/how-deepfakes-and-gendered-disinformation-exclude-women-from-public-and-political-life/">analysis</a> escalates the urgency, showing generative AI&#8217;s low-cost scalability in gendered disinformation, exemplified by election deep fakes targeting women politicians in Ghana, Namibia, and <a href="https://disinfo.africa/disinformation-targeting-female-politicians-in-africa-f05db87ef109">Kenya</a> that inflict reputational harm, psychological trauma, and civic exclusion by exploiting patriarchal norms. These platform-amplified attacks, where outrage boosts engagement 15-20%. In highlighting these challenges, the PSC may explore the gaps that exist in the legal and policy instruments, including the AU Continental Results Framework (CRF), such as missing tech-threat indicators and the need for digital impact assessments in PSOs and WPS-tech reports, and harmonised monitoring to safeguard women’s roles in peace processes.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Beyond the digital information environment, the Council may consider how AI-enabled technologies are also reshaping the conduct of warfare itself. Emerging battlefield technologies also highlight the growing intersection between AI and the changing nature of warfare on the continent. Recent analysis, including <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/african-union-floating-adrift-as-a-new-era-of-insecurity-entrenches-in-africa-anarchy-is-loosed-upon-the-world-the-2025-review-of-the-peace-and-security-council/">Amani Africa’s annual review</a> on emerging weapons trends, points to the rapid proliferation of drones as a new ‘weapon of choice’ in several African conflicts. In contexts such as Sudan, their use has had devastating consequences for civilians, particularly in urban areas, with women and girls often bearing disproportionate impacts through civilian deaths, injury, displacement, loss of livelihoods, and heightened insecurity. These developments underscore the urgent need for stronger regulatory and accountability mechanisms governing AI-enabled and algorithm-assisted weapons systems to prevent further civilian harm and deepening gendered vulnerabilities in conflict settings.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The AU has forged a robust normative architecture to tackle AI-driven threats within the WPS agenda. Key instruments include the <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/documents/38507-doc-DTS_for_Africa_2020-2030_English.pdf">African Union Digital Transformation Strategy</a> (2020–2030), which promotes inclusive digital ecosystems but lacks WPS-specific mandates; the <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/treaties/29560-treaty-0048_-_african_union_convention_on_cyber_security_and_personal_data_protection_e.pdf">African Union Convention on Cyber Security and Personal Data Protection</a> (Malabo Convention), establishing data safeguards yet ratified by only 16 states as of 2026; and the PSC&#8217;s recent <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1214.comm_en.pdf">call</a> for a continental AI-governance-peace advisory mechanism. Complementing these, WPS pillars draw strength from the <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/treaties/37077-treaty-charter_on_rights_of_women_in_africa.pdf">Maputo Protocol</a> (2003) and the landmark <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/newsevents/workingdocuments/44174-wd-EN_AU_Convention_on_Ending_Violence_Against_Women_and_Girls_CEVAWG_27.05.2025.pdf">AU Convention on Ending Violence Against Women and Girls</a> (2025), which explicitly criminalises ‘cyber violence’, encompassing deep fakes, doxing, and algorithmic harassment, while the <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/documents/35958-doc-continental_result_framework_on_wps_agenda_in_africa.pdf">Continental Results Framework</a> (CRF) drives gender-disaggregated monitoring. Yet weak domestication, chronic underfunding, and missing tech-threat indicators hobble enforcement.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Against this backdrop, tomorrow&#8217;s 1334<sup>th</sup> session may be used by the PSC to strategically operationalise these frameworks amid AI&#8217;s profound disruption of conflict dynamics, governance, and gender equality. The PSC may probe tech-WPS intersections, such as disinformation undermining women mediators in Sudan/DRC, and champion targeted measures: embedding cyber violence indicators in CRF/NAPs; accelerating Malabo ratifications; empowering the AI advisory mechanism with women leaders; and mandating gender audits of peace operations&#8217; digital protocols. This decisive pivot could convert aspirations into accountable action, fortifying women&#8217;s leadership in tech-resilient peace architectures.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The Council may also consider how to strengthen coherence between national and continental frameworks by encouraging the alignment of the growing number of National Action Plans (NAPs) on Women, Peace and Security, now <a href="https://au.int/en/pressreleases/20251017/special-envoy-wps-galvanizes-action-next-25-years-women-peace-security">adopted</a> by more than 37 AU Member States, with emerging digital threat assessments and technology governance initiatives. Integrating considerations such as AI-driven risks, cyber harassment, and technology-enabled gender-based violence into these NAPs could support more comprehensive prevention strategies while enabling Member States and Regional Economic Communities/Regional Mechanisms to better anticipate the intersection between technological change and existing conflict drivers. In this context, the PSC may further emphasise the importance of promoting women’s participation in digital governance and technology policy spaces. As artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies increasingly shape governance and security systems, ensuring that women contribute to policy design and decision-making processes will be essential for preventing technological innovation from reinforcing existing gender inequalities and for advancing more inclusive, gender-responsive peacebuilding approaches.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The session also offers the PSC a critical opportunity to assess progress in women-led innovations addressing emerging AI-driven security risks, including AI-enabled early-warning systems and gender-responsive digital mediation platforms. While African women demonstrate strong potential in the technology ecosystem, accounting for <a href="https://www.mckinsey.com/capabilities/tech-and-ai/our-insights/closing-the-loop-the-quest-for-gender-parity-in-african-tech">47%</a> of STEM graduates globally, the highest share worldwide, their participation sharply declines in the technology workforce, where they constitute only 23–30% of professionals in the tech sector. Moreover, structural barriers continue to limit access to the digital ecosystem: only about <a href="https://www.itu.int/dms_pub/itu-d/opb/ind/D-IND-SDDT_AFR-2025-PDF-E.pdf?">31–32%</a> of women in Africa use the internet compared to 42–43% of men, significantly constraining women’s ability to develop digital and AI-related skills and to contribute to technological governance and innovation.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">It is therefore expected that the Council may use the session to evaluate how initiatives such as women-focused AI training and entrepreneurship programmes, such as those supporting over 100 African women entrepreneurs trained in data science, machine learning, and AI innovation through <a href="https://www.unesco.org/en/articles/african-women-driving-innovation-barriers-breakthroughs">UNESCO</a>-supported initiatives, can be scaled to strengthen women’s leadership in digital peacebuilding. At the same time, the PSC could address persistent structural barriers, including women’s underrepresentation in technology policy spaces and limited access to investment for women-led tech ventures. Building on AU’s gender-parity commitments, the Council may prioritise targeted capacity-building in cybersecurity, AI governance, and digital peacebuilding, while encouraging Regional Economic Communities/Regional Mechanisms (RECs/RMs) to deploy women experts and establish women-led digital security task forces capable of developing scalable, <a href="https://ecdpm.org/work/why-gender-inclusive-ai-matters-africa">Africa-rooted</a> responses to AI-enabled threats.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Beyond the rapidly expanding digital domain, the session may also situate AI- and technology-facilitated violence within the broader spectrum of structural and emerging threats affecting women and girls across Africa. These include climate-related insecurity, violent extremism, protracted displacement, and deepening economic marginalisation, issues highlighted during the <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/en/article/au-and-member-states-chart-path-for-women-peace-and-security-agenda-highlight-national-progress-in-in-cotonou-benin-meeting">2025 Cotonou Meeting on Women, Peace and Security</a> as key drivers of gendered insecurity on the continent. Economic governance frameworks may also feature in this discussion, particularly where digital transformation intersects with gender inequality. For instance, while continental initiatives such as the <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/treaties/45076-treaty-EN_AfCFTA_Protocol_on_Women_and_Youth_Trade.pdf">AfCFTA Digital Trade Protocol</a> aim to expand digital markets and cross-border trade, their largely gender-neutral design risks overlooking structural constraints that continue to limit women-owned MSMEs, including restricted access to finance, high transaction costs, and persistent digital connectivity gaps. In this regard, the session may provide an opportunity for the PSC to deliberate on how gender-responsive approaches can be more systematically mainstreamed across the tools of the AU peace and security architecture, including early warning mechanisms and regular Council briefings, while ensuring that responses to emerging technological threats are linked to broader socio-economic and governance reforms.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The expected outcome of tomorrow’s session is a communiqué. The Council may call for stronger measures to address the growing risks posed by artificial intelligence and technology-facilitated violence within the framework of the Women, Peace and Security agenda. In this regard, the PSC may urge Member States to integrate digital threats, including AI-driven disinformation, deep fakes, and online gender-based violence, into National Action Plans on WPS and to align these frameworks with continental instruments and emerging technology governance initiatives. The Council may also encourage accelerated ratification and domestication of the African Union Convention on Cyber Security and Personal Data Protection and call for the inclusion of indicators on technology-facilitated violence within the African Union Continental Results Framework on Women, Peace and Security to strengthen monitoring and accountability. The PSC may further underscore the importance of promoting women’s leadership in digital governance and AI policy processes, including through the expansion of women-led innovation and mediation networks such as FemWise-Africa, while encouraging Member States, Regional Economic Communities/Regional Mechanisms and the African Union Commission to invest in digital literacy, cybersecurity capacity-building and women-led technological solutions for early warning, conflict prevention and peacebuilding.</p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/women-peace-and-security-womens-leadership-in-addressing-emerging-threats-to-peace-and-security-artificial-intelligence-and-technology-facilitated-violence/">WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY: Women’s Leadership in Addressing Emerging Threats to Peace and Security: Artificial Intelligence and Technology-Facilitated Violence</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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		<title>Informal Consultation with Member States in Political Transition</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/informal-consultation-with-member-states-in-political-transition/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 26 Feb 2026 07:52:13 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Popular Uprisings and Unconstitutional Changes of Government]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Unconstitutional change of Governments]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[2026]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=22824</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>26 February 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/informal-consultation-with-member-states-in-political-transition/">Informal Consultation with Member States in Political Transition</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h1 class="font-555555 fontsize-189933 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-color-165108-color" ><span><strong>Informal Consultation with Member States in Political Transition</strong></span></h1></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span>Date | 26 February 2026</span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow (27 February), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will hold an informal consultation with countries in political transition—namely Burkina Faso, Guinea-Bissau, Madagascar, Mali, Niger and Sudan.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">This meeting will be the latest in the PSC’s series of informal consultations, introduced into its working methods in April 2023 following the 14<sup>th</sup> Retreat on Working Methods in November 2022. Grounded in Article 8(11) of the PSC Protocol, the mechanism enables direct engagement with representatives of Member States suspended from AU activities due to unconstitutional changes of government (UCG). Tomorrow’s session is expected to take stock of progress and outstanding challenges since the late 2025 consultation, in light of evolving regional dynamics.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The PSC scheduled an informal consultation on Sudan early in the month, with Sudan ahead of the PSC ministerial session held on 12 February 2026 on the situation in Sudan. While there is no public record of whether the PSC held such an informal consultation, the Foreign Minister of Sudan was present and made a statement at the opening segment of the 1330<sup>th</sup> meeting of the PSC dedicated to the situations in Sudan and Somalia.</p>
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				</div></div></div></div><figcaption>Sudan's Foreign Minister at the 1330th session of the PSC</figcaption></div></div></div></div></div></div><script id="script-row-unique-8" data-row="script-row-unique-8" type="text/javascript" class="vc_controls">UNCODE.initRow(document.getElementById("row-unique-8"));</script></div></div></div><div data-parent="true" class="vc_row row-container" id="row-unique-9"><div class="row unequal col-half-gutter single-top-padding single-bottom-padding one-h-padding full-width row-parent"><div class="wpb_row row-inner"><div class="wpb_column pos-top pos-center align_left column_parent col-lg-12 single-internal-gutter"><div class="uncol style-light font-555555"  ><div class="uncoltable"><div class="uncell" ><div class="uncont no-block-padding col-custom-width" style=" max-width:996px;" ><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Two notable developments are notable in relation to countries in transition. First, military coups in Guinea-Bissau and Madagascar have kept the number of states under suspension unchanged despite the lifting of the suspension of Gabon. Second was the lifting of Guinea’s suspension from the AU, notwithstanding concerns regarding compliance with Article 25(4) of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG), which renders perpetrators of UCG ineligible to contest elections organised to restore constitutional order. At its <a href="https://papsrepository.africanunion.org/server/api/core/bitstreams/a6789671-ed25-4445-8af3-388e01dbc48a/content">1325<sup>th</sup> meeting</a> on 22 January 2026, the PSC determined that the political transition in Guinea had culminated in ‘the successful organisation of the presidential election on 28 December 2025’ and consequently lifted the suspension. Yet, this step did not change the number of states under suspension in 2026 from the number in 2024.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">What was problematic with respect to the decision to lift suspension of Gabon and Guinea, thereby endorsing the legitimisation of coup makers through election, was not simply PSC’s lack of consideration of Article 25(4) of ACDEG. It was rather the PSC’s repeated inability to explicitly state that the provision of the AU norm on non-eligibility of those who participated in unconstitutional changes of government for elections organised for restoring constitutional order remains part of the AU anti-coup norm, and it stands by that provision. This issue took the spotlight during the 39<sup>th</sup> Ordinary Session of the AU Assembly when the Chairperson of the AU, Angola’s President Jõao Manuel Lourenço, during the opening session of the Assembly in his address, pointed out.</p>
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<p style="text-align: justify;">While informal consultations have now become regularized as a format of PSC meeting, it remains far from clear that their potential and value is adequately explored. One issue with the informal consultations is how to use them beyond just being a platform for the exchange of information. The critical test for the value of the informal exchange is whether it facilitates improved understanding and relationship between the AU and the countries in transition, and how the insights gleaned from the consultations help to improve and advance a more effective AU policy engagement in the countries in transition.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">What additionally limits the value of the informal consultation in its current design is the fact that it does not afford tailored discussion on the specificities of each country&#8217;s situation. The transitional dynamics of the different countries are unique to each and deserve dedicated attention for advancing a more effective policy reflective of and responsive to the needs of each. Best practice from the UN Security Council suggests that, unless it is for thematic issues, country situations are dealt with individually, even in informal meetings. In this respect, the inclusion in the program of work for February 2026 of an informal consultation dedicated to Sudan sets a good example in taking the use of informal consultations to the next level.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Another challenge, not unrelated to the above, witnessed during 2025 was the lack of participation on the part of representatives of some of the member states to engage in some of the informal consultations. For example, it was the lack of confirmation of participation by the representatives of some of the member states that led to the cancellation of the planned informal consultation in November 2025. Tomorrow’s informal consultation provides an opportunity for taking stock of what worked and how to improve this engagement for enhancing effective policy engagement of the AU in support of both implementation of reform processes for transition and efforts towards achieving peace in Sudan and containing the terrorist menace in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">During tomorrow’s informal consultation, representatives of the affected countries are expected to provide an update on the transitional process of each of their respective countries.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">As noted in the analysis in the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/informal-consultation-with-countries-in-transition/">Insight</a> for the December 2025 informal consultations, a central challenge in relation to the AES is how the AU and ECOWAS can integrate the restoration of constitutional order into a broader stabilisation and state authority expansion strategy, supported by a jointly developed and deployed security mechanism. These concerns resonate with warnings issued at the UN Security Council <a href="https://press.un.org/en/2025/sc16226.doc.htm">meeting</a> last November, where ECOWAS Commission President Omar Alieu Touray described terrorism as an ‘existential threat’ to West Africa, while President Julius Maada Bio, Sierra Leone’s President, Chair of ECOWAS and UNSC President for November, <a href="https://x.com/Presidency_SL/status/1990862349453172789">outlined</a> the need for engaging directly with Sahel states, rebuilding trust, and supporting nationally owned transitional processes. Stating that the time is ‘for bold and coordinated action,’ he proposed an ECOWAS-AU-UN compact for peace and resilience in the Sahel as an instrument for addressing the grave situation facing the Sahel and viewing the AES not as an adversary but as a partner that can complement ECOWAS and AU.  The informal consultation may serve as an opportunity to discuss with AES states for taking these outlines forward.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In relation to Madagascar, tomorrow’s informal consultation will present an opportunity to hear from the representative of Madagascar on the progress made in the development of a transitional roadmap and the inclusivity of the process for elaborating the roadmap. Madagascar had earlier <a href="https://english.news.cn/africa/20251211/de9fdaf0c1914368b4492b5067e9e506/c.html?utm_source=chatgpt.com">launched</a> a National Consultation on 10 December 2025 to advance constitutional reform toward a Fifth Republic through a six-month, inclusive, nationwide process. It may additionally consider how the AU, working in close coordination with SADC, in accordance with the communiqué of its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1313.comm_en.pdf">1313<sup>th</sup> meeting</a> on 20 November, can enhance its engagement for ensuring that the reforms necessary for preventing the recurrence of coups in Madagascar are crafted and implemented as part of the transitional process. The consultation may thus additionally consider how the AU, working in close coordination with SADC, in accordance with the communiqué of its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1313.comm_en.pdf">1313<sup>th</sup> meeting</a> on 20 November, can enhance its engagement for ensuring that the reforms necessary for preventing the recurrence of coups in Madagascar are crafted and implemented as part of the transitional process.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">With respect to Guinea-Bissau, the consultation is expected to assess the extent to which steps taken by the military junta towards creating inclusive political conditions towards the development of a transitional roadmap for the restoration of constitutional order. It is expected that the representative of Guinea-Bissau will provide an update on the steps taken. These may include the formation of a transition government, the allocation of three ministerial posts each to the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde and the political group led by Fernando Dias Da Costa (the leading candidate in the November election), the appointment of 10 representatives from the two blocs to the National Transition Council, the release of political prisoner and the withdrawal of the request for the departure of the ECOWAS Stabilization Support Mission. However, it is worth noting that opposition leaders <a href="https://www.africanews.com/2026/02/03/guinea-bissau-opposition-leaders-refuse-offer-to-join-government/">decline</a> participation. Subsequently, the transitional authorities <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/1/22/guinea-bissau-sets-election-date-following-last-years-coup">announced</a> that legislative and presidential elections would be held on 6 December 2026, with Horta Inta-a asserting that ‘all the conditions for organising free, fair and transparent elections have been met.’ Given that the transitional charter issued in early December barred him from contesting the polls, the PSC members may use the opportunity of the informal consultation to applaud this step as a measure that ensures compliance with Article 24(5) of the ACDEG and urge its compliance.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">On Sudan, there has been no major development since the PSC meeting of 12 February as far as the transitional process is concerned. Tomorrow’s informal consultation, however, will afford the representative of Sudan to reflect on the outcome of the PSC ministerial session on Sudan held early in the month.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Similar to prior consultations, tomorrow’s session is not anticipated to produce an outcome document.</p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/informal-consultation-with-member-states-in-political-transition/">Informal Consultation with Member States in Political Transition</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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		<title>Consultation meeting with FAO, WFP, and IFAD on the nexus between Food, Peace, and Security</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/consultation-meeting-with-fao-wfp-and-ifad-on-the-nexus-between-food-peace-and-security/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 23 Feb 2026 07:30:04 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Humanitarian Issues]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[2026]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Thematic Insights]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>23 February 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/consultation-meeting-with-fao-wfp-and-ifad-on-the-nexus-between-food-peace-and-security/">Consultation meeting with FAO, WFP, and IFAD on the nexus between Food, Peace, and Security</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h1 class="font-555555 fontsize-189933 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-color-165108-color" ><span><strong>Consultation meeting with FAO, WFP, and IFAD on the nexus between Food, Peace, and Security</strong></span></h1></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span>Date | 23 February 2026</span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow (24 February), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) is expected to convene its 1332<sup>nd</sup> meeting with the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the World Food Programme (WFP), and the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) on the nexus between Food, Peace, and Security.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The session will commence with an opening statement from Obeida A. El Dandarawy, Permanent Representative of the Arab Republic of Egypt to the AU and Chairperson of the PSC for February, followed by introductory remarks by Bankole Adeoye, AU Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security. It is expected that  Moses Vilakati, AU Commissioner for Agriculture, Rural Development, Blue Economy and Sustainable Development will make a statement. The representatives of FAO, WFP and IFAD will also be expected to make their respective presentations.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The PSC had last scheduled a similar agenda item on its programme for <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/provisional-programme-of-work-of-the-peace-and-security-council-for-may-2025/">May 2025</a>. However, the session did not happen as planned. In 2017, during its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/660.drought-eng.pdf">660<sup>th</sup></a> and <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/708-press-statement-drought-and-its-implications-16-08-2017.pdf">708<sup>th</sup></a> sessions, the PSC framed drought and food shortages as drivers of instability. It warned that climate-driven droughts are ‘major triggers of tensions and violence in communities.’ However, the PSC did not hold a session dedicated directly to food insecurity and conflict nexus until 2022. This changed at its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/1083.comm_en.pdf">1083<sup>rd</sup></a> session, when the Council held a session fully dedicated to ‘Food Security and Conflict in Africa,’ as part of the 2022 AU theme on nutrition and food security. Later in 2022, the PSC again took up food security in the context of climate change. As highlighted in the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/1083.comm_en.pdf">communiqué</a> of the 1083ʳᵈ session of the PSC, one of the ways that armed conflicts contribute to food insecurity is by severely disrupting agriculture and food systems. Later on in July 2025, this issue received attention during the PSC’s <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1286.comm_en.pdf">1286<sup>th</sup></a> meeting on the ‘Humanitarian Situation in Africa,’ where it underscored ‘the importance of adopting a holistic strategy in food systems that addresses both production and consumption, focusing on sustainability, resilience, and equity.’ In this regard, it called for the ‘implementation of an African renaissance in agri-food systems approach and the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Program (CAADP) Kampala Declaration.’ This is where, during tomorrow’s session, the engagement with FAO and IFAD can highlight how their interventions can build on and leverage CAADP and the CACDP Kampala Declaration to advance early planning and intervention.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In July 2025, Addis Ababa co-hosted the <a href="https://www.fao.org/media/docs/unfoodsystemslibraries/unfss-4/unfss4-concept-note-public-version-1.pdf">2<sup>nd</sup> United Nations Food Systems Summit Stocktake (UNFSS+4)</a> building on the momentum of the <a href="https://www.un.org/en/food-systems-summit/documentation">2021 UN Food Systems Summit</a> (UNFSS) and the <a href="https://www.unfoodsystemshub.org/fs-stocktaking-moment/en">first Stocktake in 2023 (UNFSS+2)</a> to reflect on global progress in food systems transformation, strengthen collaboration, and unlock finance and investments to accelerate action towards the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The Summit saw the launch of the <a href="https://data.unicef.org/resources/sofi-2025/">State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World 2025 </a>(SOFI) report, which revealed a modest decline in global hunger – but a troubling rise in food insecurity in Africa. The report highlighted how persistent food price inflation has undermined access to healthy diets, especially for low-income populations, calling for coherent fiscal and monetary policies to stabilise markets, emphasising the need for governments and central banks to act in alignment. It also called for open and resilient trade systems to ensure the steady flow of goods across borders. Additionally, it urged the implementation of targeted social protection measures to support at-risk populations most vulnerable to economic shocks, and also stressed the importance of sustained investment in resilient agrifood systems to strengthen food security and long-term stability. In this context, care should be taken to ensure that short-term interventions do not compromise African biodiversity in sources of food, thereby undermining long-term food security.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Food insecurity remains prevalent in various parts of the continent, with conflict settings hit particularly hard. According to the globally recognised Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC)—a standard tool for assessing food insecurity severity—more than two-thirds of African countries are currently classified as IPC Phase 3 (Crisis) or higher. Since the PSC’s last session dedicated to this agenda, various cases on the continent have come to show that food insecurity is accelerating, exacerbated mostly by conflict and insecurity. The nexus between food insecurity and armed conflict reinforces each other in a vicious cycle. On the one hand, conflict is a primary driver of hunger, as violence displaces farmers, destroys crops and infrastructure, and disrupts supply chains. Conflict and insecurity also exacerbate food insecurity by impeding response and humanitarian access, including the use of humanitarian access as a weapon of war.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">One conflict situation that aptly illustrates the deadly interface between food insecurity and conflicts in which humanitarian access is used as a weapon of war is in Sudan. The intensification of the war and notably the weaponisation of humanitarian access, particularly by the RSF, has culminated in ‘<a href="https://www.actionagainsthunger.org/press-releases/sudan-becomes-the-worlds-hungriest-country-as-famine-spreads-to-two-new-areas-of-darfur/">the world’s worst famine</a>.’ Beyond Zamzam camp and neighbouring areas in North Darfur, the UN’s <a href="https://www.ipcinfo.org/ipcinfo-website/countries-in-focus-archive/issue-143/en/">IPC latest report</a> established that levels of acute malnutrition have surpassed famine thresholds in two other areas in North Darfur, Um Baru and Kernoi. This means that Sudan possesses <a href="https://www.actionagainsthunger.org/press-releases/sudan-becomes-the-worlds-hungriest-country-as-famine-spreads-to-two-new-areas-of-darfur/">a new humanitarian record</a> of having ‘the most areas of active famine on the planet.’ Altogether, according to WFP, an estimated 834,000 people in the region are experiencing famine, representing over 40 per cent of the global famine caseload.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Food crises categorised as IPC Phase 3 and above are no longer limited to conflict-affected states. Through <a href="https://www.wfp.org/news/humanitarian-aid-cuts-push-millions-deeper-hunger-amid-rising-violence-and-population">WFP</a>, it has been reported that the latest analysis from the Cadre Harmonisé – the equivalent of the IPC for West and Central Africa – also projects that over three million people will face emergency levels of food insecurity (Phase 4) this year &#8211; more than double the 1.5 million in 2020. Four countries &#8211; Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, and Niger- account for 77 per cent of the food insecurity figures, including 15,000 people in Nigeria’s Borno State at risk of catastrophic hunger (IPC-5) for the first time in nearly a decade. While these conditions are accelerated by insecurity, they also contribute to the aggravation of insecurity.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The ‘WFP 2025 Global Outlook’ highlighted that the Eastern Africa region faces compounded crises driven by conflicts, widespread displacement and climate shocks, leaving nearly 62 million people acutely food insecure. The region grapples with more than 26 million displaced people, with Sudan representing the largest crisis globally at 11.3 million. In Sudan, in addition to the Zamzam, 13 additional areas with a high presence of IDPs and refugees are at risk of famine.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">FAO’s ‘<a href="https://openknowledge.fao.org/server/api/core/bitstreams/de95e011-1af9-4b28-9a07-d8ce61f8aa6c/content/state-food-security-and-nutrition-2025/ending-hunger-food-security.html#gsc.tab=0">State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World 2025</a>’ paints similar pictures as the other reports. Among the African countries with the largest numbers of people facing high levels of acute food insecurity were Nigeria, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Ethiopia, while the countries with the largest share of the analysed population facing high levels of acute food insecurity were Sudan and South Sudan, among others globally. More than half of the people living in South Sudan and the Sudan faced high levels of acute food insecurity. While it is not the only factor that accounts for these conditions of food insecurity in these countries, in all of them, conflict and insecurity constitute a significant contributor and factor.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Increasingly, relatively stable countries are slipping into crisis due to economic shocks and climate change. The rising cost of living and widespread economic hardship have made food insecurity a catalyst for social unrest and political instability in various parts of the continent, including the mass protests witnessed in countries such as Sierra Leone, Tunisia, Kenya and Nigeria during 2022, 2023 and 2024, as well as Madagascar in 2025. These cases highlight that it is particularly in contexts in which there are widespread perceptions of ineffective, unresponsive, corrupt and weak systems of governance that food-related grievances spark broader political discontent and mass protests. Debt distress facing some countries and the increasing diversion of resources from key sectors like agriculture and social security also play a part in these cases. Additionally, scarcity, accelerated by climate change, raises tensions over land, water and food resources, making disputes more likely to turn violent. Competition between herders and farmers over dwindling pasturelands and fields has triggered thousands of casualties in West and Central Africa.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">As part of its exploration of how to enhance ways of addressing food insecurity in conflict settings, the PSC may also consider the role of the African Peace and Security Architecture and other AU entities that play a role in humanitarian affairs. In this context, tomorrow’s session may assess progress made in the development and implementation of anticipatory tools for crisis preparedness and early action, as well as the use of humanitarian diplomacy as part of the toolbox for responding to the humanitarian dimension of conflicts in Africa, including conflict-induced food insecurity. The session may also revisit the AU’s ongoing challenge in financing humanitarian assistance and emphasise the need for Member States to fulfil their commitments, particularly the decision to increase contributions to the Refugees and IDPs Fund from 2% to 4% as outlined in EX.CL/Dec.567(XVII). Additionally, tomorrow’s session may also consider the contribution that the Africa Risk Capacity (ARC) could make. For instance, the introduction of a new parametric insurance product in 2023 to help African countries deal with flood-related impacts. Furthermore, the PSC may highlight the importance of the Special Emergency Assistance Fund (SEAF) in supporting populations affected by drought, famine, and food insecurity, while urging continued international support as a lifeline for vulnerable groups across the continent.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The expected outcome of the session could be a communiqué. The PSC may express grave concern over the worsening food security situation across Africa, particularly in conflict-affected regions such as Sudan, the DRC, and the Sahel. Council may reaffirm its condemnation of the use of starvation as a weapon of war and the deliberate targeting of food systems and humanitarian access, in breach of international humanitarian law. To build resilience, the Council may urge Member States to increase public investment in agriculture and rural development in accordance with the Malabo Declaration target of allocating 10% of national budgets to the sector. Recognising the dual role of food insecurity both as a consequence and a driver of conflict, the Council may emphasise the need to strengthen early warning mechanisms that integrate food security indicators with conflict risk assessments. It may also encourage the establishment of joint task forces that bridge peace, humanitarian, and development actors to enhance coordinated responses. Furthermore, the PSC could call for fast-tracked operationalisation and financing of the African Humanitarian Agency (AfHA) and emphasise the role of Africa Risk Capacity (ARC) and the Special Emergency Assistance Fund (SEAF) in supporting anticipatory action and crisis response. The PSC may also call for the inclusion of the explicit requirement in the mandate of mediators, special political missions and those entrusted with peacemaking to dedicate time and effort to address the crisis of food security for conflicts on which they work. Finally, in light of the burden of unsustainable debt on public budgets, inducing and exacerbating food insecurity, the Council may advocate for coordinated debt relief, reform of the international financial system, and safeguarding domestic resource mobilisation from being redirected to servicing debt at the expense of ensuring adequate investment in food systems and peacebuilding efforts.</p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/consultation-meeting-with-fao-wfp-and-ifad-on-the-nexus-between-food-peace-and-security/">Consultation meeting with FAO, WFP, and IFAD on the nexus between Food, Peace, and Security</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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		<title>Open Session on Climate, Peace and Security</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/open-session-on-climate-peace-and-security/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 18 Feb 2026 06:08:03 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Climate Change and Natural Disaster]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[2026]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=22728</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>18 February 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/open-session-on-climate-peace-and-security/">Open Session on Climate, Peace and Security</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h1 class="font-555555 fontsize-189933 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-color-165108-color" ><span><strong>Open Session on Climate, Peace and Security</strong></span></h1></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span>18 February 2026</span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow (19 February), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) is expected to convene an open session on the ‘Nexus between Climate Change, Peace, and Security in Africa.’</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The session commences with opening remarks by Obeida A. El Dandarawy, Permanent Representative of the Arab Republic of Egypt to the AU and Chairperson of the PSC for February. This is followed by an introductory remark from the AU Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace, and Security (PAPS), Bankole Adeoye. A presentation by Moses Vilakati, AU Commissioner for Agriculture, Rural Development, Blue Economy and Sustainable Environment may also feature. In addition, statements are expected from AU Member States, representatives of the Regional Economic Communities/Regional Mechanisms (RECs/RMs), and representatives of the United Nations Office to the African Union (UNOAU).</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">This meeting builds on the PSC’s long-standing engagement with the climate-security nexus since its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/585-br-climate-change-30-4-2016-eng.pdf">585<sup>th</sup> session</a> in March 2016, through which the Council committed to holding annual deliberations on climate change and peace and security. In the past two years, the PSC has gone further, dedicating two sessions to the theme each year. This will mark the PSC’s 18<sup>th</sup>  such session, including its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1301.comm_en.pdf">1301<sup>st</sup> Session</a>(September 2025) and <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1263.comm-en.pdf">1263<sup>rd</sup> Session</a>(March 2025), both of which reaffirmed climate change as a risk multiplier that exacerbates political, socio-economic, and governance vulnerabilities, rather than a direct conflict trigger. Quantifying this effect, recent <a href="https://www.preventionweb.net/news/africa-faces-climate-conflict-poverty-trap-growth-best-solution">analysis</a> of data from 51 African countries spanning 1960 to 2023 highlights the profound socioeconomic and political risks linked to rising temperatures. In the continent’s poorest nations, a 1°C increase is associated with a 10-percentage-point higher likelihood of exacerbating existing vulnerabilities, sometimes leading to civil conflict, whereas wealthier countries show no comparable vulnerability. Moreover, higher temperatures are linked to slower economic growth, reducing GDP growth rates by up to 4 percentage points in hotter years relative to cooler ones.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">These trends are consistent with global scientific assessments, particularly findings from the <a href="https://www.ipcc.ch/report/ar6/wg1/downloads/factsheets/IPCC_AR6_WGI_Regional_Fact_Sheet_Africa.pdf">Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change</a> (IPCC), which indicate that Africa is warming faster than the global average and is experiencing increasingly frequent and intense extreme climate events, including heatwaves, droughts, floods, and cyclones. Additionally, the <a href="https://wmo.int/media/news/weather-related-disasters-increase-over-past-50-years-causing-more-damage-fewer-deaths">World Meteorological Organisation (WMO)</a> reports that climate-related disasters in Africa have increased fivefold over the last 50 years.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The peace and security implications of the combination of political, institutional and development fragilities and tensions on the one hand and this climatic trend are stark. It is this interplay, not climate change in itself, that explains why 12 of the International Rescue Committee’s (IRC) 16 <a href="https://www4.unfccc.int/sites/SubmissionsStaging/Documents/202405311138---240523%20IRC-NCQG%20submission.pdf">epicentres of crisis</a>, countries marked by intertwined climate vulnerability, extreme poverty, and armed conflict, are in Africa. This underscores the need to prioritise the factors that perpetuate these vulnerabilities, account for climate impacts, and address climate change through broader policy processes.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Climate stress increasingly intersects with armed conflict, weak governance, livelihood loss and displacement, deepening instability in regions such as the Sahel, the Horn of Africa and parts of Western, Central and Southern Africa. As of early October 2025, <a href="https://www.unocha.org/publications/report/south-sudan/south-sudan-floods-snapshot-2-october-2025">OCHA</a> reports that severe flooding in South Sudan had affected more than 639,000 people across 26 counties, intensifying competition over land and water already strained by drought and deepening post-conflict fragility. These climate-driven livelihood losses are fueling intercommunal violence and the growth of armed rivalries, reinforcing cycles of insecurity amid rising political tensions among rival political forces in the country.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Yet the relationship between climate and security is not one-directional. War and conflicts, as well as political instability, also contribute to making climatic stresses much more devastating. Thus, on this flip side, the ongoing conflict in Sudan has <a href="https://watermark02.silverchair.com/ihaf144.pdf?token=AQECAHi208BE49Ooan9kkhW_Ercy7Dm3ZL_9Cf3qfKAc485ysgAAA3swggN3BgkqhkiG9w0BBwagggNoMIIDZAIBADCCA10GCSqGSIb3DQEHATAeBglghkgBZQMEAS4wEQQMhwaqmKkP_VJ1AzpUAgEQgIIDLtuN3WyPaktRgmxP56Kug69HbCsm1lFHICtAk2FKAVdi6zpGG7E8yaztAq-jchtzfnaohNW4IELM7xx-B9Zo6XC_LfuZeOi03N_vYxZxlxgL4OLcqfcijrc9yronpHE5vHoIQpMA7gek422Gh1Pf0WAxzq-hvWOASFxk9XCsqdlVUVODpZqtphIZxBk-BNHpe7B07-wQZ5Kn5RMOBnXXHMppYKTWlSUirdlnc9_ObQhnVamcV5K3FqEvO-lyGNZDrQWzK1o2ozjSBJ0sFCU7x6aQLFJ8OuIwV7UHm06iAEe2MZogo0bCRg_-MOAMhkiUOo0KIDNzG3D1qhm3mlyg4eNAlt0EV-LXTZJj1BsByJkz06pP3D0jY78KaCJXUaM1EhKtGdr2_McNZI9iXZ3uj9t5y2T-BVAn-zu6sifOf8pXaNyFyU-S-TtF92fG1uR8aPEldSTIh3JtO0zLjtp0m86ine00TCLFj3et5g-IcR-8DUhNMTx0qxT3QGsGdVhtq1FT56PtnbIh8d576ZYildHmq0XGHHSIrvFeoB1o8Jxb9T9WaQxIkxAEH3GwwnyX-WyQ3IBMnbGAx3iZ64xmOWWCOMMgVvJFEBzkH_lHTLpiFjSaF1SzVfm8tcuMJbwAWDKeO_dz1EY_CGURH0AmAj3gqrLvvW8Wg7uK8GrmD_GGRElu-QhSdhJpWwwvHdVNXpg86aNp5rPbikI3hDoa4EemkYthuEWJAwG_pBpSOi28pBsN0Y_L8bK2yKuwYO1yY2HoVWWy5wApjhkeducfr2KpoyopFVgoYfjtjmryRIJT2iy-RybXii0Ig7MAvL7lLcsDIbkMeYvzfhoTP76CT3eXtBdzeruYalrsbPe9-RgBWkOUQ7A-uTER0zusNiI9TYkRa1kLqHGww-QNkBNa2GtqH35jRhNJGjMizkbxM0ODDZlH3J9QWI7tyBPQN9V9IK1mEfJqZWD6rs9dwEuJmk2uT1aTHFnlpxlGvFgkvZAkT8mapEdKor41WC6T-NHRdlxkI17_9u2RiCu0G4EFwa2DHHCiv2rCPYig1zHOmLYx_JGJewP5NqLQ6ReVLNM">intensified</a> the effects of prolonged drought, devastating crops and livestock, and gravely eroding livelihoods and survival capacities.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">These continent-wide dynamics are increasingly manifesting in specific national contexts, where climate-induced environmental stress directly amplifies localised tensions and entrenched security threats. For instance, recent <a href="https://www.accord.org.za/analysis/climate-change-as-a-threat-multiplier-environmental-stress-and-violent-conflict-in-northern-nigeria/">research</a> indicates that the degradation of land and water has heightened competition between farming and pastoralist communities in Nigeria, and the research further highlights that ‘the clashes over scarce resources now claim more lives annually than the Boko Haram insurgency itself’. The caveat in this respect is that it is not merely the climate change impact in intensifying competition over resources that makes the ensuing clashes deadlier. <strong>What made climate-induced inter-communal clashes over scarce resources deadlier is their combination with the widespread availability of small arms and light weapons.</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Against this background, the PSC’s previous sessions, particularly the 1301<sup>st</sup> session of September 2025, were notable for situating climate change firmly within a broader climate policy framework anchored in development, justice, and equity, focusing on loss and damage, adaptation financing, and the differentiated vulnerabilities of least-developed and conflict-affected African states. In this regard, the Council is expected to discuss the implications of anchoring climate-security responses within a broader justice-oriented framework. This includes ensuring effective implementation of COP29 commitments on adaptation, loss and damage, and associated financing.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Another dimension of the climate-security nexus relates to access to climate finance. As shown below, fragile and conflict-affected countries, which are the most vulnerable to climate change impacts, have the most need for climate finance. However, their risk profile means that they have the least access to climate finance. It is therefore of particular interest for the PSC to reflect on how access to climate finance can be expanded, paying particular attention to fragile and conflict-affected countries.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow’s session is also expected to get an update on the work for the finalisation of the Common African Position (CAP) on Climate Change, Peace and Security. It is to be recalled that updates provided during the 1301<sup>st</sup> session indicated that the CAP is now expected to be concluded ahead of COP31, reflecting the need for input of member states, deeper consultation and alignment with existing AU frameworks, including the Africa Group of Negotiators. The delay also underscored ongoing political sensitivities, but it also highlights the strategic importance of ensuring Member State ownership and coherence across Africa’s climate and peace architectures. Since the last session and the update from Adoye, the draft CAP was presented at a technical meeting held in Nairobi, Kenya. The technical meeting held in Nairobi, Kenya on 25-27 November 2025 under the title &#8220;AU member States Validation Workshop on the Draft Common African Position on the Climate Change, peace and security nexus (CAP-CPS)&#8217; concluded without validating the draft. The outcome statement outlined the five-step process roadmap to finalise the work.</p>
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<p style="text-align: justify;">Financing for adaptation is also expected to feature during the session. Despite being among the most climate-vulnerable regions, Africa continues to receive a disproportionately small share of global climate finance; according to the <a href="https://www.undp.org/publications/climate-finance-sustaining-peace-making-climate-finance-work-conflict-affected-and-fragile-contexts">United Nations Development Programme</a>, nearly <a href="https://www.climatepolicyinitiative.org/publication/global-landscape-of-climate-finance-2023/">90%</a> of climate funding is concentrated in high- and middle-income, high-emitting countries, while fragile states, where climate risks intersect most acutely with conflict and governance challenges, receive the least support. This imbalance is particularly stark in conflict-affected settings, where communities obtain on average only <a href="https://www.crisisgroup.org/content/fair-share-of-climate-finance">one-third</a> of the per-capita adaptation funding available in non-conflict contexts, and countries facing protracted crises continue to receive lower levels of climate-related Official Development Assistance despite their heightened vulnerability. Against this backdrop, the PSC is likely to revisit the outcome of <a href="https://unfccc.int/sites/default/files/resource/COP30%20Action%20Agenda_Outcomes%20Report_December_2025.pdf">COP30</a> in Belém, where nations pledged to <em>triple adaptation funding by 2035</em>, a timetable that many African experts deem too slow given the continent’s acute climate vulnerabilities, and most climate finance remains loan-heavy rather than grant-based, further risking debt stress for African states. The Council is therefore expected to focus on the urgent need to honour existing commitments, reform barriers to accessing climate funds, and acknowledge that the persistent under-financing of adaptation is not merely a development challenge but an escalating driver of fragility, fiscal stress, and long-term peace and security risks across Africa that is not without global consequences.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Loss and damage is another policy issue of urgency expected to feature during tomorrow’s session. With climate-induced floods, droughts and cyclones causing repeated destruction of infrastructure, livelihoods and ecosystems, Africa continues to incur billions of dollars in losses annually. The African Development Bank estimates that climate change already costs African economies 2–5% of GDP each year, for some even reaching double digits. The PSC is thus likely to stress the need for accelerated operationalisation and capitalisation of the loss and damage fund in ways that are responsive to African realities.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Operationally, the session is expected to advance discussions on mainstreaming climate considerations into the AU’s peace and security architecture. This includes integrating climate-conflict indicators into early warning systems, strengthening preparedness and disaster risk reduction, and framing adaptation and governance as peacebuilding strategies. Notably, previous PSC sessions have recognised mobility and transhumance as legitimate adaptation strategies, calling for improved cross-border governance and regional cooperation to reduce climate-induced tensions, an approach of particular relevance to the Sahel and the Horn of Africa. Building on this evolving operational focus, the PSC is expected to articulate more concrete follow-up measures, including clearer guidance on implementing climate-security risk assessments in situations under its agenda, strengthening coordination between early warning and response mechanisms, and enhancing collaboration with regional actors to translate these policy commitments into practical preventive and resilience-building actions on the ground.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The session may also revisit the PSC’s earlier call for ensuring that climate-peace and security considerations are fully integrated into continental and global climate policy processes, including the work of CAHOSCC and Africa’s engagement in upcoming multilateral forums such as the G20 and COP31. This remains critical for ensuring that Africa’s concerns around the security dimension of climate and the requisite measures to address the security risks of climate are not marginalised in global policy processes that tend to be increasingly dominated by mitigation and market-based approaches.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The outcome of the session is expected to be a communiqué. The PSC is likely to reaffirm its longstanding position that climate change constitutes a risk multiplier that exacerbates existing political, socio-economic and governance vulnerabilities across Africa and is not a direct cause of conflicts. In this regard, the Council is expected to reiterate its call for the expedited finalisation of the Common African Position (CAP) on Climate Change, Peace and Security within this framework and stress the importance of inclusive consultations, strong Member State ownership, and coherence with existing continental frameworks and Africa’s global climate diplomacy. The PSC may also underline that climate-security engagement should complement, rather than substitute, broader climate policy processes and remain anchored in the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and Africa’s development priorities. The Council is also expected to call for concrete steps to operationalise the mainstreaming of climate considerations into conflict prevention and peacebuilding efforts, including the integration of climate-conflict indicators into the Continental Early Warning System, the development of standardised climate-security risk assessment tools, and stronger coordination between early warning, humanitarian and response mechanisms. In addition, the PSC is expected to express concern over the widening gap between Africa’s climate needs and available financing, and call for scaled-up, predictable and accessible climate finance, particularly in grant form and with particular attention to the needs of fragile and conflict-affected states. PSC may also call for the capitalisation of the loss and damage fund and the adoption of debt suspension clauses when a country is hit by climate-induced disasters. Finally, the PSC is expected to call for enhanced coordination between the AU, Regional Economic Communities/Regional Mechanisms, Member States and international partners, and to stress the importance of ensuring that Africa’s climate-security priorities are effectively reflected in global climate negotiations and multilateral processes, including through engagement with continental mechanisms such as the Committee of African Heads of State and Government on Climate Change.</p>
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		<title>Commemoration of Africa Day of Peace and Reconciliation</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/commemoration-of-africa-day-of-peace-and-reconciliation-jan-30-2026/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 29 Jan 2026 15:43:10 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[APSA Tools and Pillars]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Thematic Insights]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[2026]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=22540</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>29 January 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/commemoration-of-africa-day-of-peace-and-reconciliation-jan-30-2026/">Commemoration of Africa Day of Peace and Reconciliation</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h1 class="font-555555 fontsize-189933 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-color-165108-color" ><span><strong>Commemoration of Africa Day of Peace and Reconciliation</strong></span></h1></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span>Date | 29 January 2026</span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow (30 January), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will convene its 1328<sup>th</sup> session where it will discuss the fourth commemoration of the ‘Africa Day of Peace and Reconciliation and Lessons learnt for the countries in conflict: Experiences of South Africa, Cote d’Ivoire, Sierra Leone, Angola, South Sudan, and the Great Lakes region’ as an open session.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Following the opening statement of the Chairperson of the PSC for the month, Jean-Léon Ngandu Ilunga, Permanent Representative of the Democratic Republic of Congo to the AU, Bankole Adeoye, the Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS), will make a statement. The meeting might feature Domingos Miguel Bembe, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Angola to the AU, who may provide a briefing on Angola&#8217;s efforts for peace and reconciliation on the continent, as the AU Champion for Peace and Reconciliation. Other members expected to participate in the session include representatives from South Africa, Cote d’Ivoire, Sierra Leone, Angola, South Sudan, and the Great Lakes region. A representative from the UN may also be present at the meeting.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The 4<sup>th</sup> Commemoration of the Africa Day of Peace and Reconciliation is set to build on the previous commemorations, and this year’s observance will focus on the practical application of peacebuilding strategies. Given the consideration of ‘Lessons Learnt for Countries in Conflict,’ the open session will specifically analyse the transformative experiences of South Africa, Côte d’Ivoire, Sierra Leone, Angola, South Sudan, and the Great Lakes region. By examining these diverse national trajectories, the PSC will aim to identify proven blueprints for national healing. These experience-sharing is intended to serve as a blueprint for the AU to more effectively intervene in current crises, particularly the devastating war in Sudan and the volatile security situation in the Eastern DRC, reinforcing the continent&#8217;s commitment to Silencing the Guns and fostering enduring social cohesion.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Since its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/inauguration-of-africa-day-of-peace-and-reconciliation/">inaugural</a> meeting in 2023, the session has been traditionally held on 31 January of each year, following the declaration of the 16<sup>th</sup> Extraordinary Session of the AU Assembly on terrorism and unconstitutional changes of government in Africa held in May 2022 in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea, in which it decided to institutionalise the commemoration annually. During the last commemoration, the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1258.comm_en.pdf">3<sup>rd</sup></a>, held on 31 January 2025, the PSC called for the ‘domestication of the commemoration of the Africa Day of Peace and Reconciliation at Regional and national level…’ and highlighted the need for ‘the ‘Africa Day of Peace and Reconciliation’ to be aligned with efforts to advance the implementation of the AU Transitional Justice Policy, which provides a roadmap, ensuring that reconciliation is built on accountability, truth-telling, and social cohesion.’</p>
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<p style="text-align: justify;">Given this, with lessons learnt, <strong>South Africa</strong>’s experience, anchored by its <a href="https://www.justice.gov.za/trc/">Truth and Reconciliation Commission</a> (TRC), offers a profound lesson in choosing restorative justice over retribution. By prioritising the public acknowledgement of truth in exchange for conditional amnesty, the model allowed a fractured nation to transition from apartheid to democracy without collapsing into a cycle of revenge. The <strong>Côte d’Ivoire</strong> experience, on the other hand, highlights the necessity of moving reconciliation beyond the capital city and into the heart of rural and urban neighbourhoods through local peace initiatives like the <a href="https://www.upf.org/post/c%C3%B4te-d-ivoire-celebrates-two-decades-of-peacebuilding#:~:text=Yamoussoukro%2C%20Cote%20d'Ivoire%20%E2%80%93,to%20unity%20and%20sustainable%20peace.">UPF-Côte d’Ivoire</a>’s journey over the past two decades in conflict prevention, youth engagement, and community reconciliation. This provides a vital lesson for current conflict zones: for a peace agreement to hold, it must empower community leaders and local peace initiatives to act as mediators, effectively mending the social fabric by fostering face-to-face reconciliation between neighbours who were once divided by conflict.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Sierra Leone</strong>’s post-civil war recovery is anchored in the ‘Fambul Tok’ (Family Talk) model, which emphasises that reconciliation must happen at the village level, not just in high courts. Following its 11-year civil war (1991–2002), Sierra Leone adopted a multifaceted approach to recovery by combining judicial accountability with social healing. This strategy centred on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) to address wartime atrocities. Simultaneously, grassroots programmes like Fambul Tok were established to mend the social fabric and promote forgiveness at the community level. In <strong>Angola</strong>, following the end of its 27-year civil war in 2002, the country has <a href="https://adf-magazine.com/2023/12/after-decades-of-war-angola-is-an-exporter-of-peace/#:~:text=Today%2C%20Angola%20wants%20to%20be,2023%20state%20visit%20to%20Kenya.">evolved</a> into a prominent regional peacemaker under the leadership of President João Lourenço &#8211; the AU’s Champion for Peace and Reconciliation. The nation has prioritised diplomatic mediation, especially regarding the conflict in the DRC. In <strong>South Sudan</strong>, the peace and reconciliation landscape in 2026 is characterised by a fragile adherence to the R-ARCSS framework. The promise of the 2018 Revitalised Agreement is still alive, yet it is shadowed by relentless local violence. Significant legislative steps have been taken, but the cycle of deadly conflict remains a formidable barrier to lasting reconciliation.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Regional peace and stability in the <strong>Great Lakes region</strong> hinge on strong cooperation frameworks and inclusive, long-term strategies that address both immediate security threats and deeper structural challenges. Central to these efforts is the <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/en/article/peace-security-and-cooperation-framework-for-drc-and-the-region-signed-in-addis-ababa">Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework</a> (PSCF) for the DRC and the region, alongside the work of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), which brings together more than eleven member states to curb conflict and promote development. Yet durable peace cannot be achieved without tackling root causes such as disputes over natural resources, weak governance, and the lingering legacy of violence, particularly in the DRC, Rwanda, and Burundi. National reconciliation initiatives, including Rwanda’s National Unity and Reconciliation Commission and Burundi’s power-sharing arrangements, have sought to rebuild social cohesion and political stability.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In addition, as previously mentioned in the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1258.comm_en.pdf">previous</a> commemoration on the importance of further strengthening the Continental Early Warning System and preventive diplomacy on the Continent, it will be imperative that the council addresses this, aligning its deliberations with the ongoing APSA review and reform process. By linking these reforms to the peace, security, and development nexus, the PSC must encourage Member States to look beyond immediate security interventions and instead redouble efforts to address the deep-seated structural root causes of violence. This involves a holistic commitment to fixing governance-related factors &#8211; such as political exclusion and socio-economic inequality &#8211; ensuring that the AU’s reformed peace architecture is equipped not just to silence guns, but to prevent them from being fired in the first place.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The meeting is expected to result in a communiqué. The PSC is expected to welcome the 4<sup>th</sup> Commemoration of Africa Day for Peace and Reconciliation and call for the need to continue promoting the culture of peace, tolerance, justice, forgiveness, and reconciliation as an important step for conflict prevention, especially in post-conflict communities. Council is also likely to acknowledge the role of President João Manuel Gonçalves Lourenço, of Angola, as the AU Champion for Peace and Reconciliation, applauding his efforts to promote peace and reconciliation and his efforts to galvanise support for peace initiatives across the region. Council may also highlight the important role of national reconciliation towards achieving the AU’s noble goal of Silencing the Guns by 2030, considering the critical role that reconciliation plays in preventing conflict relapse and laying a strong foundation for sustainable peace in countries emerging from violent conflicts. It will also be important for the PSC to underscore the importance of inclusive and transparent political transitions, and emphasise the need for comprehensive peace, reconciliation, and development initiatives across the continent.</p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/commemoration-of-africa-day-of-peace-and-reconciliation-jan-30-2026/">Commemoration of Africa Day of Peace and Reconciliation</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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		<title>Consideration of the half-year report of the Chairperson of the AU Commission on elections in Africa</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/consideration-of-the-half-year-report-of-the-chairperson-of-the-au-commission-on-elections-in-africa/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 25 Jan 2026 08:44:51 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Elections in Africa]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[2026]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Elections and Governance Issues]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=22484</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>25 January 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/consideration-of-the-half-year-report-of-the-chairperson-of-the-au-commission-on-elections-in-africa/">Consideration of the half-year report of the Chairperson of the AU Commission on elections in Africa</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h1 class="font-555555 fontsize-189933 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-color-165108-color" ><span><strong>Consideration of the half-year report of the Chairperson of the AU Commission on elections in Africa</strong></span></h1></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span>Date | 25 January 2026</span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow (26 January), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will convene its 1327<sup>th</sup> Session to consider the mid-year report of the Chairperson of the AU Commission on elections in Africa, covering the period between July and December 2025.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Following the opening statement of the Chairperson of the PSC for the month, Jean-Léon Ngandu Ilunga, Permanent Representative of the Democratic Republic of Congo to the AU, Bankole Adeoye, the Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS), is expected to present the report. Statements are also expected from the representatives of Member States that organised elections during the reporting period.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">As per the PSC’s decision from its 424<sup>th</sup> session in March 2014, which mandates periodic updates on African electoral developments, the Chairperson presents a mid-year elections report. The previous update was delivered during the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1288.comm_en.pdf">1288<sup>th</sup> PSC session</a> on 4 July, 2025 and covered electoral activities from January to June 2025. Tomorrow’s briefing will similarly provide accounts of elections conducted from July to December 2025, covering elections held in Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Côte d’Ivoire, Egypt, Gabon, Guinea-Bissau, Guinea, Malawi, the Seychelles, Somalia, and Tanzania, while also outlining the electoral calendar for the first half of 2026.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Across the second half of 2025, governance trends across Africa reflected a complex and often uneven interplay between electoral continuity, democratic backsliding, and institutional resilience. A recurring pattern was the consolidation of executive power through elections held in constrained political environments, frequently following constitutional changes that weakened term limits or enabled incumbents or transitional authorities to entrench themselves. Many of these polls were marked by low or moderate voter turnout, opposition boycotts or exclusions, and contested credibility, even where regional and continental observation missions officially endorsed peaceful conduct, highlighting a growing gap between formal electoral procedures and substantive democratic competition. At the same time, episodes of acute instability, most notably the military interruption of elections in Guinea-Bissau, underscored the continued fragility of civilian rule in some contexts, prompting robust but reactive responses from regional bodies. In contrast, a smaller number of cases demonstrated democratic resilience through competitive elections, peaceful concessions, and credible alternation of power.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In the aftermath of <strong><em>Cameroon</em></strong>’s contested 12 October 2025 presidential election, President Paul Biya was re-elected to an eighth term amid heightened political tensions. Post-election protests were reported in parts of the country, with security forces intervening to restore order, resulting in casualties. The Constitutional Council confirmed Biya’s victory with <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20251027-cameroon-s-paul-biya-92-wins-re-election-constitutional-court-announces">53.7%</a> of the vote, a result rejected by opposition candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who claimed victory and accused authorities of systematic manipulation. The AU deployed an <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/en/article/arrival-declaration-african-union-election-observation-mission-au-eom-in-the-republic-of-cameroon-on-7-october-2025">election observer mission</a> led by Bernard Makuza, former Prime Minister and former President of the Senate of the Republic of Rwanda, composed of 40 short-term observers (STOs). Later, a <a href="https://panafricanvisions.com/2025/10/au-eccas-commend-cameroons-2025-polls-as-opposition-decries-whitewashing-of-fraud/">joint statement</a> from the AU and the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS)indicated that ‘the election was conducted peacefully, with respect for democratic values and citizen participation.’ They also noted low turnout and urged stakeholders to channel grievances through legal mechanisms.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In the <strong><em>Central African Republic</em></strong>’s 28 December 2025 presidential election, the incumbent President Faustin-Archange Touadéra secured a third term, garnering approximately 76.15 % of the vote according to <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c0q40xg3j0jo">provisional results</a> from the National Elections Authority, which will be officially validated by the Constitutional Court. Touadéra’s victory follows a controversial 2023 constitutional referendum that abolished presidential term limits and extended term lengths, enabling him to run again and entrench his decade-long rule. The major opposition coalition boycotted the vote, decrying an unequal political environment and unfair conditions, and some challengers have alleged electoral malpractice and fraud. Voter <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/central-african-republic-touadera-secures-third-term/a-75401315">turnout</a> was at around 52%, reflecting mixed public engagement amid ongoing instability, even as the election technically proceeded peacefully and without widespread unrest reported.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The 2025 electoral cycle in <strong><em>Côte d’Ivoire</em></strong> opened with the presidential election on 25 October, followed by legislative polls on 27 December. According to the electoral commission, President Alassane Ouattara <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cddrzl9nmm2o">won</a> decisively with 89.8% of the vote, while businessman Jean-Louis Billon trailed at 3.09%. Voter turnout stood at 50.1%, underscoring limited public participation. At the invitation of Ivorian authorities, the AU and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/en/article/arrival-statement-joint-communique-of-the-ecowas-and-au-election-observation-missions-to-the-25-october-2025-presidential-election-in-the-republic-of-cote-d-ivoire">deployed</a> a joint Election Observation Mission (EOM) of more than 250 observers across the country, reflecting strong regional engagement. Their <a href="https://peaceau.org/uploads/preliminary-declaration-rci.pdf">preliminary report</a> highlighted candidate exclusions, weak opposition presence, accessibility challenges, and logistical shortcomings. For the December legislative elections, the AU <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/en/article/announcement-of-the-arrival-of-the-african-union-election-observation-mission-to-the-27-december-2025-legislative-elections-in-the-republic-of-cote-d-ivoire">dispatched</a> a separate mission of 31 observers to assess preparations, voting operations, and the post-election environment.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In<em><strong> Egypt</strong>,</em> following the August senate elections, parliamentary elections were <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2025/11/27/egypts-all-important-parliamentary-elections-arent-elections-at-all">conducted</a> in multiple phases starting in November, producing a legislature overwhelmingly aligned with President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. His political bloc secured the super-majority required to advance constitutional amendments, consolidating executive dominance. Overall <a href="https://arabcenterdc.org/resource/egyptian-democracy-is-what-sisi-makes-of-it/">turnout</a> and participation levels fluctuated.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The 23 November 2025 general elections in <strong><em>Guinea-Bissau</em></strong>, intended to produce a legitimate presidential and legislative outcome in a country long beset by political fragility, were abruptly upended when military forces <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/12/2/guinea-bissaus-electoral-commission-says-coup-destroyed-election-results">seized</a> power on 26 November, a day before provisional results were to be announced. Both incumbent President Umaro Sissoco Embaló and opposition candidate Fernando Dias da Costa had claimed victory prior to the official tally, but the military takeover involved storming the National Electoral Commission’s offices, the seizure and destruction of ballots, tally sheets and servers, and suspension of the entire electoral process, making completion of the vote effectively impossible. Major-General Horta Inta-A Na Man was <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/africa/20251127-general-horta-nta-sworn-in-as-guinea-bissau-transitional-leader-following-coup">installed</a> as transitional president and appointed a new cabinet, drawing accusations from opposition figures and observers that the coup was either staged or exploited to forestall the constitutional transfer of power and preserve entrenched elite interests. In response, ECOWAS convened an extraordinary summit on 27 November, <a href="https://www.ecowas.int/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/Final-Communique-on-Guinea-Bissau_ENG_251127_220518.pdf">condemned</a> the coup, suspended Guinea-Bissau, rejected any arrangements undermining the electoral process, and demanded the immediate declaration of the 23 November election results, while mandating a high-level mediation mission led by Sierra Leone’s President Julius Maada Bio. The PSC followed on 28 November by also suspending Guinea-Bissau, strongly condemning the coup, and calling for the completion of the electoral process and inauguration of the winner during its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1315.comm_en.pdf">1315<sup>th</sup> session</a>. The Council also tasked the AU Commission Chairperson to create an inclusive AU Monitoring Mechanism, in collaboration with ECOWAS and stakeholders, to monitor the situation, especially the implementation of ECOWAS and PSC decisions.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In the 28 December 2025 presidential election in <strong><em>Guinea</em></strong>, held under a new constitution that followed the 2021 military coup, junta leader Mamady Doumbouya secured a landslide victory with 86.72 % of the <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/12/30/guinea-coup-leader-mamdi-doumbouya-wins-presidential-election">vote</a> and was later sworn in as president, marking the end of the formal transitional period since he seized power. AU observers were <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/en/article/arrival-statement-of-the-african-union-election-observation-mission-for-the-28-december-2025-presidential-election-in-the-republic-of-guinea">deployed</a> to monitor the campaign and voting phases, with a mission arriving in mid-December and issuing <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/uploads/eng-dy-claration-pry-liminaire-moeua-guinee-eng.pdf">preliminary statements</a> that attested that the election took place in a peaceful, orderly, and credible environment. However, the electoral trajectory, notably a constitutional referendum earlier in 2025 that amended the legal framework to allow members of the ruling military authorities to stand as candidates, has deepened concerns about compliance with the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG) Article 25(4), which seeks to restrict participation of those who have seized power through unconstitutional means.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In <strong><em>Malawi</em></strong>’s 16 September 2025 general elections, former President Peter Mutharika won a clear victory over incumbent President Lazarus Chakwera, securing 56.8 % of the <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/9/24/malawis-president-chakwera-concedes-election-to-his-predecessor-mutharika">vote</a> to Chakwera’s 33%, with turnout around 76% of registered voters, prompting a peaceful concession by Chakwera and a commitment to a smooth transfer of power. The elections were observed by <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/en/article/arrival-statemen-joint-african-union-common-market-for-eastern-and-southern-africa-election-observation-mission-to-the-16-september-2025-general-elections-in-the-republic-of-malawi">a joint African Union–COMESA Election Observation Mission</a> and a <a href="https://www.sadc.int/latest-news/sadc-deploys-electoral-observation-mission-headed-honourable-themba-n-masuku-former">SADC Electoral Observation Mission</a>, both deployed at the invitation of Malawi’s government to assess compliance with national, regional, and international democratic standards, and to engage with key electoral stakeholders, including the Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC), political parties, civil society and media. <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/uploads/au-comesa-preliminary-statement-malawi-lilongwe-18-september-2025-.pdf">Preliminary observation reports</a> highlighted a generally peaceful and orderly process, with long queues and broad voter participation, though technical issues such as late polling station openings and structural challenges (e.g., biometric machine failures and the need for improved dispute resolution timelines) were noted, pointing to areas for future reform. This election reinforced Malawi’s democratic resilience and provided lessons for Africa on peaceful leadership alternation and the significance of robust electoral frameworks.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In the 2025 <strong><em>Seychelles</em></strong> general and presidential elections, the multi-stage process began with presidential and National Assembly polls on 25–27 September 2025, observed by <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/en/article/arrival-statement-joint-african-union-and-common-market-for-eastern-and-southern-africa-election-observation-mission-to-the-27-september-2025-general-elections-in-the-republic-of-seychelles">a Joint AU and COMESA Election Observation Mission</a> following an invitation from the Government and Electoral Commission; the mission engaged with key stakeholders across political, media, civic and institutional spheres to assess compliance with continental democratic standards enshrined in ACDEG and related instruments. According to the <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/en/article/preliminary-statement-african-union-common-market-for-eastern-and-southern-africa-election-observation-mission-to-the-republic-of-seychelles-in-support-of-inclusive-and-peaceful-general-elections-29-september-2025">Joint Preliminary Report</a> of the Joint mission, the candidate secured an outright majority in the first round, triggering a run-off held from 9 -11 October 2025 between opposition leader Patrick Herminie of the United Seychelles party and incumbent President Wavel Ramkalawan of Linyon Demokratik Seselwa. Herminie won the run-off with 52.7% of the vote to Ramkalawan’s 47.3%, returning his party to executive leadership and reversing the 2020 result that had first brought Ramkalawan to office. Observers and regional bodies, including <a href="https://www.sadc.int/sites/default/files/2025-09/SEOM%20Preliminary%20Statement%20for%20Seychelles%20Elections%202025.pdf">SADC</a>, noted the generally peaceful, orderly and professionally managed electoral environment.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In <strong><em>Gabon</em></strong>, the 27 September (first round) and 11 October (second round) parliamentary elections consolidated President Brice Oligui Nguema’s political dominance following his April presidential win, with his newly formed Democratic Union of Builders (UDB) securing a decisive majority in the National Assembly, <a href="https://www.aa.com.tr/en/africa/gabon-president-s-party-secures-parliamentary-majority/3717401">winning</a> around 101–102 out of 145 seats and relegating the long-dominant Gabonese Democratic Party (PDG) to a distant second, alongside a handful of smaller parties and independents. According to <a href="https://www.idea.int/democracytracker/report/gabon/october-2025">International IDEA’s Global State of Democracy Tracker</a>, while the elections were largely peaceful and marked a significant shift in Gabon’s post-coup political landscape, they were also marred by irregularities, including missing ballots and annulments in several constituencies.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In <em><strong>Tanzania</strong>, the</em> general elections held on 29 October 2025 produced an overwhelmingly one-sided result with President Samia Suluhu Hassan declared the winner on over 98% of the <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cm2ww0e0jewo">vote</a>, but they were marred by deep controversy, violent unrest, and allegations of severe democratic deficits. The African Union Election Observation Mission’s <a href="https://peaceau.org/uploads/preliminary-statement-african-union-elections-obervation-mission-to-the-tanzania-2025-general-elections.pdf">preliminary report</a> indicated that the elections <em>“did not comply with AU principles, normative frameworks, and other international obligations and standards for democratic elections”</em>, noting a restricted political environment, opposition boycotts and exclusions, internet shutdowns, outbreaks of deadly protests, and significant procedural irregularities that compromised electoral integrity and peaceful acceptance of results. On the other hand, the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, H.E. Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, issued a public <a href="https://au.int/en/pressreleases/20251101/auc-chairperson-congratulates-he-samia-suluhu-hassan-election-victory">statement</a> congratulating President Suluhu on her victory while expressing regret at the loss of life in post-election protests and emphasising respect for human rights and the rule of law.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The period also marked a pivotal shift in <strong><em>Somalia</em></strong>’s electoral framework with the introduction of direct municipal elections. Somalia’s municipal elections held on 25 December 2025 in Mogadishu’s Banadir region introduced direct, one-person-one-vote polling for the first time in nearly six decades, a major departure from the indirect, clan-based model used since 1991 and <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/12/25/somali-capital-holds-first-direct-election-in-five-decades">direct voting</a> last seen in 1969. The <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/12/25/somali-capital-holds-first-direct-election-in-five-decades">polls</a>, involving some 1,604 candidates competing for 390 council seats and more than 500,000 registered voters, were widely framed by authorities and local observers as a critical first step toward restoring universal suffrage and laying the groundwork for nationwide direct elections scheduled for 2026, and showcased significant logistical and security efforts amid ongoing instability and insurgent threats. While the exercise proceeded under heightened security and with heavy public interest, it was also shadowed by political tensions, including opposition boycotts and concerns about inclusivity and turnout.</p>
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<p style="text-align: justify;">Furthermore, the report will highlight elections scheduled between January and June 2026. The majority of elections planned for 2026 will take place in the first half of the year, with Benin, Cape Verde, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Somalia, and Uganda holding polls during this period.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong><em>Uganda</em></strong> opened Africa’s 2026 election cycle with a presidential poll on 15 January. The presidential election saw long-time incumbent President Yoweri Museveni extend his rule into a seventh term, securing approximately 71.6 % of the vote against opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi (Bobi Wine), who received about 24.7 %, in a contest marked by significant controversy and political tension. Official results indicated a 52.5 % voter turnout, the lowest since the return to multiparty politics. The <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/en/article/the-african-union-common-market-for-eastern-and-southern-africa-and-the-inter-governmental-authority-on-development-election-observation-mission-preliminary-statement-to-the-republic-of-uganda-15-january-2026-general-elections">joint preliminary statement</a> of The African Union – Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa and the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development Election Observation Mission indicated that Uganda&#8217;s elections proved more peaceful than the 2021 election, earning praise for voter patience, professional staff, and transparent counting, though concerns persisted over military involvement, internet shutdowns, opposition arrests, media bias, high fees excluding marginalized groups, Electoral Commission independence issues, and Election Day delays.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The <strong><em>Republic of Congo</em></strong> is <a href="https://www.aa.com.tr/en/africa/factbox-sub-saharan-africa-elections-to-watch-in-2026/3800028">scheduled</a> to hold its presidential election on 22 March 2026, with incumbent President Denis Sassou Nguesso officially <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/africa/20251230-congo-president-sassou-nguesso-seeks-re-election-2026">nominated</a> by the ruling Congolese Labour Party (PCT) to run for another term alongside candidates from opposition parties.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The 2026 presidential election in <strong><em>Djibouti</em></strong> is scheduled to take place by April 2026, with incumbent President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh, who has governed the country since 1999, formally <a href="https://www.geeska.com/en/djiboutis-ruling-party-nominates-president-guelleh-2026-election">nominated</a> by the ruling Rassemblement Populaire pour le Progrès (RPP) to seek a sixth term following a constitutional amendment in late 2025 that <a href="https://constitutionnet.org/news/voices/djiboutis-new-constitution-between-longevity-power-and-beginnings-socio-political-instability">removed</a> the presidential age limit, allowing the 77-year-old leader to run again.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The 7<sup>th</sup> general election in <strong><em>Ethiopia</em></strong> is scheduled to be held on 1 June 2026, with the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) <a href="https://www.ena.et/web/eng/w/eng_7883413">confirming</a> the official election timetable, including candidate registration and campaigning periods ahead of polling day. A wide range of political parties are expected to contest seats in the House of Peoples’ Representatives, including the ruling Prosperity Party and several opposition and regional parties participating with their candidates across constituencies.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The national election process in <strong><em>Somalia</em></strong> is expected to take place in June 2026 under a newly adopted electoral framework aimed at moving toward universal suffrage and direct elections after decades of indirect, clan-based vote systems. Preparatory local polls and voter registration efforts were conducted in late 2025 as part of this transition, although there remains significant political <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2025/12/19/somalias-2026-election-risks-a-legitimacy-crisis">disagreement</a> over the roadmap and mechanisms for the upcoming national vote. Several political figures, including incumbent President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and other declared or prospective contenders such as <a href="https://www.the-star.co.ke/news/africa/2026-01-11-union-endorses-ex-pm-abdi-farah-shirdon-for-presidency">Abdi Farah Shirdon</a>, are positioning themselves for the upcoming presidential race amid a fractured political landscape.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In <em><strong>Benin</strong>,</em> President Patrice Talon steps down in line with constitutional term limits, breaking with the regional trend of incumbents extending their rule. The 2026 presidential election in Benin is set for 12 April 2026, with former finance minister Romuald Wadagni, endorsed by outgoing President Talon, emerging as a leading candidate after the ruling coalition cleared the required sponsorship thresholds. On 11 January 2026, <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/benin-opposition-fails-secure-seats-parliamentary-election-2026-01-19/">parliamentary and local elections</a> were held, in which the ruling Progressive Union for Renewal and the Republican Bloc together won all 109 seats in the National Assembly under a new 20 % threshold that left the main opposition without representation. These votes followed a <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/12/8/benins-foiled-coup-how-it-unfolded-and-what-we-know">failed</a> coup attempt on 7 December 2025, when a small group of soldiers briefly announced the overthrow of the government but were quickly contained by loyal forces with regional support.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The Republic of <strong><em>Cabo Verde</em></strong> will <a href="https://news.az/news/cape-verde-announces-dates-for-legislative-presidential-elections">hold</a> its legislative elections on 17 May 2026 and its presidential election on 15 November 2026, with a possible second round for the presidency on 29 November if no candidate wins an outright majority. President José Maria Neves announced the dates after consultations with political parties and the National Elections Commission, and key parties preparing to <a href="https://africacenter.org/spotlight/en-elections-2026/caboverde/">contest</a> include the ruling Movement for Democracy (MpD) and opposition parties such as the African Party for the Independence of Cape Verde (PAICV) and the Independent and Democratic Cape-Verdean Union (UCID).</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The expected outcome is a communiqué. The PSC may take note of the Chairperson’s elections report, covering electoral developments from July to December 2025 and the electoral calendar for the first half of 2026. The PSC may commend Member States where elections were conducted peacefully and led to credible outcomes, while encouraging those facing post-electoral tensions or transitions to resolve disputes through constitutional and legal mechanisms. The Council may reiterate its condemnation of unconstitutional changes of government, and call for the restoration and completion of disrupted electoral processes in line with AU norms. It may further underscore the importance of aligning national electoral frameworks with the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, particularly concerning term limits, inclusivity, and the participation of transitional authorities. The PSC may encourage Member States to invite AU election observation missions in a timely manner, undertake necessary electoral and institutional reforms, ensure the neutrality of security forces, and uphold restraint and responsibility among all stakeholders to promote peaceful, credible, and inclusive elections across the continent.</p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/consideration-of-the-half-year-report-of-the-chairperson-of-the-au-commission-on-elections-in-africa/">Consideration of the half-year report of the Chairperson of the AU Commission on elections in Africa</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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