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		<title>Quarterly briefing by the A3 to the PSC</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/quarterly-briefing-by-the-a3-to-the-psc/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 04 Aug 2026 06:47:44 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[PSC Meetings on A3]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Thematic Insights]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[2026]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=23999</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>4 August 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/quarterly-briefing-by-the-a3-to-the-psc/">Quarterly briefing by the A3 to the PSC</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
]]></description>
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<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h1 class="font-555555 fontsize-189933 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-color-165108-color" ><span><strong>Quarterly briefing by the A3 to the PSC </strong></span></h1></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span>Date | 4 August 2026</span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow (5 August), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will convene its 1358<sup>th</sup> session to receive a quarterly briefing by the A3 to the PSC on its activities.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The session will commence with opening remarks by the Permanent Representative of Algeria to the AU and PSC Chairperson for August 2026, Mohamed Khaled, followed by an introductory statement by Bankole Adeoye, AU Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security. The Coordinator of the A3 is expected to brief the Council, while AU Permanent Observer to the UN Mohamed Edrees is also expected to deliver a statement.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow’s briefing is being convened pursuant to the first Conclusions of the High-Level Seminar on Peace and Security in Africa, held in Algiers in December 2013, which agreed that the A3 would brief the PSC quarterly on African issues on the UN Security Council’s agenda. This was reaffirmed in the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/Manual-of-Engagement-on-Engagement-between-PSC-and-A3-HLS-EN.pdf">Manual</a> on the Modalities for Enhancing Coordination between the PSC and the A3, with a view to facilitating information-sharing and enabling the PSC to provide the necessary guidance. More than a decade later, the briefings remain irregular, although there are signs of improvement this year.  The A3 last briefed the PSC on 20 April 2026, during its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1340.comm_en.pdf">1340<sup>th</sup></a> session, covering activities during the first quarter of 2026. During that session, the PSC directed the AU Commission to assess the feasibility of holding one quarterly briefing at AU headquarters and to develop a matrix of Common African Positions, as well as an annual plan of action for advancing those positions and reflecting relevant PSC decisions in the resolution of the UN Security Council. Tomorrow’s engagement is expected to follow up on these decisions and review the A3’s activities during the second quarter of 2026.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">One area the briefing is expected to highlight is the steps taken to strengthen internal cohesion. As noted in Amani Africa’s <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/making-africas-voice-matter-in-the-un-security-council-bridging-the-gap-between-ambition-and-reality-in-the-role-of-the-african-three-members-of-the-unsc/">Special Research Report on the A3</a>, the group has become a force that others within the UN Security Council reckon with and has demonstrated its capacity to exert influence in its decision-making processes. When acting as one and speaking with one voice, its influence can go as far as operating as a ‘de facto veto power,’ requiring other members, including the P5, to consult the A3, particularly on the African files.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">One way of articulating their collective positions is through joint statements. Both their frequency and scope have expanded considerably: according to a <a href="https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/A3_research_report_2025.pdf">study</a> by the Security Council Report, the number increased from six in 2018 to 105 in 2024. Initially focused on African country situations, they now extend to thematic agenda items and non-African files. Publicly available information indicates that, between April and June 2026, the A3 delivered joint statements on at least 20 occasions. As observed by Security Council Report, speaking with one voice has increased the visibility of African positions; made it easier for other Council members to support or align with them; and enabled delegations with limited capacity to share the drafting burden while drawing on individual members’ regional expertise. This is an important step towards strengthening cohesion and amplifying African positions. The A3’s next stage of development should, however, be judged by whether its collective positions shape negotiations, influence voting behaviour and affect Security Council decisions and actions.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Although outside the review period, the briefing is likely to highlight the Arria-formula meeting convened by DRC during its July 2026 presidency as an encouraging experience. Held on 13 July and titled ‘The Normative Gaps Linking Natural Resources and Peace: Foundations and Perspectives,’ it built on Sierra Leone’s July 2025 meeting on critical minerals and their links to insecurity in Africa. The A3 have used Arria-formula meetings less frequently than other Council members, but their growing recourse to this mechanism is welcome. Used strategically, Arria-formula meetings can help shape subsequent Security Council deliberations and enable the A3 to move from responding to agendas set by others towards exercising a more proactive agenda-setting and drafting role. This was evident when, following the Arria-formula meeting, the DRC convened a high-level open debate on natural resource governance on 22 July under the agenda item ‘Maintenance of International Peace and Security.’</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">A3 members are also trying to expand their penholding or co-penholding role on African files and other issues of interest to the continent as called for in the communiqué of the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/983rd-psc-meeting-unified-role-of-a3-in-the-unsc-4-march-2021.pdf">983<sup>rd</sup> session</a> of the PSC. At its 1340<sup>th</sup> session, the PSC encouraged the A3 to assume greater responsibility in shaping Security Council outcomes through such arrangements. So far, these roles have mainly covered West Africa and the Sahel and the Central African region. As pointed out in <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/Sierra-Leones-2024-2025-UN-Security-Council-Tenure-and-Africas-Recalibration-in-a-Retreating-International-Law-Based-Order.pdf">a recent publication</a> on the tenure of Sierra Leone, leadership is exercised additionally ‘through sanctions and working group responsibilities, including chairing the 1533 Sanctions Committee concerning the DRC, the 2206 Sanctions Committee concerning South Sudan and the Informal Working Group on International Tribunals.’</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Despite the A3’s emergence as a cohesive negotiating bloc with significant influence on Security Council dynamics—and its support becoming a ‘de facto requirement’ for the adoption of Security Council products concerning African files—, there remains significant room for improvement. Several challenges continue to limit the group’s role in agenda-setting and its influence over Security Council outcomes and are worth highlighting in tomorrow’s engagement.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The first is the lack of strong strategic and political guidance from the AU, as well as inadequate coordination and timely, proactive engagement between Addis Ababa and New York. In the absence of clear and timely AU guidance, the A3 cannot effectively influence Security Council dynamics and remains vulnerable to division. Various PSC sessions, including the 983<sup>rd</sup> and 1340<sup>th</sup> sessions, the Oran Process and the Manual on the Modalities for Enhancing Coordination between the PSC and the A3 have identified mechanisms to address this. The difficulty lies not in the absence of modalities but in their limited operationalisation.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Modalities that have not been implemented regularly include inviting the A3 to PSC meetings on items also under UN Security Council discussion; holding quarterly videoconferences between the PSC Troika and the A3; facilitating interactions between their experts; and aligning the two Councils’ programmes of work on African files. Although the PSC’s 1340<sup>th</sup> session requested that its deliberations precede, to the extent possible, discussion of the same issues in the UN Security Council, thereby providing clear continental guidance, this rarely happens. Responses from Addis Ababa are often late. The AU Permanent Observer Mission, which serves as the A3 Secretariat and is expected to provide technical, administrative and logistical support to the group, remains under-resourced, while the request for a dedicated focal point within the Department of Political Affairs, Peace and Security has not been acted upon. Similarly, while the A3 increasingly serves as penholder or co-penholder on some files, the P3 still control most African files and usually initiates meetings and drafts.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">These shortcomings have political consequences. Without timely continental guidance, the A3 formulates positions after negotiations on UNSC outcome documents are underway. Under these circumstances, its ability to influence first drafts declines, national positions can displace collective ones, and exposure to permanent-member pressure increases. Regular contact is therefore a condition of political cohesion, not an administrative formality.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Against this backdrop, tomorrow’s sessions should focus on operationalising agreed modalities for coordination outlined in various PSC session outcome documents on the A3 and in the Manual. As underscored in its 983<sup>rd</sup> session, the PSC should also reflect in its Programme of Work African files expected to feature in the UNSC agenda so that African positions are settled before, not after, Security Council negotiations begin.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Second, it is important that a clear set of continental priorities is set for A3 leadership in the UNSC. The Annual Plan of Action requested at the 1340<sup>th</sup> session should identify a) the files on which the A3 is expected to seek concrete Council outcomes, b) the principles that should guide A3 engagement, and c) the positions to be advanced and the coalitions required.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Third, there is also a need to expand its coalition base within and outside the Security Council. Building on the A3 Plus arrangement created with Caribbean members, the group should build a constituency among the E10—the ten elected non-permanent members. Beyond the Security Council, closer engagement with the wider African Group in New York and members of the UN from the Global South, including within the framework of the Non-Aligned Movement, could reinforce support around African common positions.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Finally, accountability of the A3 to the AU should be ensured. AU endorsement and leadership of the A3 are not nice things to have but a strategic necessity.  They should become part of the strategic framework that anchors the role of the A3 and the projection of collective influence rather than a routine regional process. The AU Assembly in Decision Assembly/ AU/Dec.598 (XXVI) adopted in January 2016 explicitly <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/how-africa-is-using-the-a3-as-a-de-facto-permanent-power-block-in-global-peace-and-security-decision-making/">inscribed</a> the A3’s special responsibility to ensure that the decisions of the PSC are well reflected in the decision-making process of the Security Council on peace and security issues of concern to Africa. As such, the A3 seat carries not only national responsibilities but also continental ones. In addition to the annual seminar and the quarterly briefing, one way of strengthening accountability could be inviting African candidates for the Security Council seeking AU endorsement, both during their candidatures and at the conclusion of their mandates, to provide an assessment of how they have advanced agreed African positions.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The expected outcome of tomorrow’s session is a communiqué. The PSC may commend the progress made over the years, during which the A3 has evolved into a major power bloc within the UN Security Council. It may also welcome continued efforts to strengthen the A3’s influence and advance Common African Positions with one voice, including through the delivery of joint statements. The PSC may emphasise the importance of operationalising the agreed modalities for enhancing coordination between the A3 and the PSC, with a view to ensuring timely and proactive guidance on African files. To this end, it may request that the AU Commission and the AU Permanent Observer Mission report on the challenges to the implementation of the modalities for coordination and provide proposals on how to address those challenges. Taking note of the lessons from Sierra Leone’s tenure, the PSC may also encourage A3 members to expand their influence through chairing sanctions committees and informal working groups of the UNSC. It may also welcome the emerging use of Arria-formula meetings for setting agendas and shaping UNSC engagement on particular issues and encourage the A3 to use Arria-formula meetings strategically.</p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/quarterly-briefing-by-the-a3-to-the-psc/">Quarterly briefing by the A3 to the PSC</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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		<title>Regional order and the new geopolitics of ports, maritime infrastructure, and transport corridors in the Horn of Africa</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/regional-order-and-the-new-geopolitics-of-ports-maritime-infrastructure-and-transport-corridors-in-the-horn-of-africa/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 03 Aug 2026 07:40:50 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Ideas Indaba]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[2026]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=23991</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>3 August 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/regional-order-and-the-new-geopolitics-of-ports-maritime-infrastructure-and-transport-corridors-in-the-horn-of-africa/">Regional order and the new geopolitics of ports, maritime infrastructure, and transport corridors in the Horn of Africa</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class="wpb-content-wrapper"><div data-parent="true" class="vc_row row-container" id="row-unique-1"><div class="row unequal col-half-gutter no-top-padding single-bottom-padding one-h-padding full-width row-parent"><div class="wpb_row row-inner"><div class="wpb_column pos-top pos-center align_left column_parent col-lg-12 single-internal-gutter"><div class="uncol style-light font-555555"  ><div class="uncoltable"><div class="uncell" ><div class="uncont no-block-padding col-custom-width" style=" max-width:996px;" ><div class="empty-space empty-single" ><span class="empty-space-inner"></span></div>
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<h1><strong>Regional order and the new geopolitics of ports, maritime infrastructure, and transport corridors in the Horn of Africa</strong></h1>
<h1><strong> </strong></h1>
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</div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span>Date | 3 August 2026</span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><script id="script-row-unique-1" data-row="script-row-unique-1" type="text/javascript" class="vc_controls">UNCODE.initRow(document.getElementById("row-unique-1"));</script></div></div></div><div data-parent="true" class="vc_row row-container" id="row-unique-2"><div class="row one-top-padding one-bottom-padding one-h-padding limit-width row-parent"><div class="wpb_row row-inner"><div class="wpb_column pos-top pos-center align_left column_parent col-lg-12 single-internal-gutter"><div class="uncol style-light"  ><div class="uncoltable"><div class="uncell no-block-padding" ><div class="uncont" ><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: right;"><strong>Seife Ayalew Asfaw, PhD.</strong><br />
Affiliate Faculty, Carter School for Peace and Conflict Resolution<br />
African Peacebuilding Project<br />
George Mason University</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">One of the key questions in a recent policy dialogue that Amani Africa hosted on <em>The Horn of Africa in an age of Regional Fragmentation and Global Disorder</em> was the nature of the changing relationship between ports, maritime infrastructure, logistics and transport corridors on the one hand and peace and security, and regional order in the Horn of Africa on the other. In my presentation, my central argument was that ports and corridors are no longer simply matters of transport infrastructure or commercial access. In a contested global order, their role as strategic institutions in which sovereignty, economic integration, security, political authority and geopolitical alignment are increasingly negotiated has become most prominent.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">This transformation reflects one of the defining features of today&#8217;s global disorder: the changing political meaning of infrastructure. For much of the post-World War II order, and under the dominant development paradigm, ports, maritime infrastructure and transport corridors were understood primarily as engines of development and globalisation. They were expected to facilitate trade, deepen economic interdependence, connect markets, attract investment and sustain international cooperation.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Those assumptions are now being challenged as the unipolar moment of the post-Cold War era gives way to a more fragmented, fluid, multipolar and increasingly unpredictable geopolitical landscape. In this context, ports and corridors function not only as gateways for trade and investment, but also as instruments of economic statecraft, strategic competition and regional influence. If ports and corridors have become strategic instruments rather than simply commercial assets, the central question is no longer only how to expand regional connectivity, but how to govern the political, economic and security relationships that connectivity creates.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Connectivity and Regional Integration</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">A central implication of this transformation is that connectivity should not automatically be equated with regional integration. A region may become more physically connected while becoming more politically fragmented. A new port, railway, transport corridor or logistics arrangement can reduce transport costs, diversify access to international markets and expand economic opportunities. At the same time, it can redistribute political influence, intensify bilateral competition, bypass neighbouring countries, strengthen contested political authorities and embed the region more deeply in competing external networks.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Infrastructure is never politically neutral. Every corridor prioritises particular routes, ports and territories, redistributes opportunities, reshapes strategic geography and creates both winners and losers. When these choices are made principally through bilateral arrangements without broader regional consultation, infrastructure can deepen the very fragmentation it is expected to overcome.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The question, therefore, is not simply whether infrastructure connects places, but what kinds of political, economic and security relationships that connectivity produces. Does it create reciprocal interdependence or new forms of asymmetric dependence? Does it broaden regional cooperation or reinforce bilateral competition? Does it strengthen collective regional agency or deepen reliance on external actors? These questions suggest that physical connectivity alone says little about the quality of the regional order it produces.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Accordingly, the governance of infrastructure becomes as important as the infrastructure itself. These are fundamentally questions of regional governance rather than engineering, logistics or investment. The central challenge with the proliferation of port and transport corridor development is therefore not whether the Horn becomes more connected, but whether that connectivity is governed in ways that deepen regional integration rather than regional fragmentation.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Strategic Infrastructure, Peace and Regional Order</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The significance of this distinction becomes clearer when viewed through current developments across the Horn of Africa. Infrastructure is no longer simply an economic issue. It has become an integral part of peace, security and regional order. Somaliland illustrates this particularly well. Its strategic significance is shaped not only by questions of political status, but also by Berbera&#8217;s maritime position, Ethiopia&#8217;s search for diversified access to the sea and the growing strategic importance of the Red Sea. Recent developments surrounding Berbera, including diplomatic initiatives, major infrastructure investments and growing strategic interest from regional and extra-regional actors, further illustrate how commercial infrastructure has become increasingly entangled with questions of recognition, security and geopolitical competition.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">At the same time, these issues should not be collapsed into one another. Commercial cooperation around ports does not necessarily have to await the resolution of every sovereignty dispute, nor should cooperation over transit and logistics automatically be interpreted as political recognition. Developing practical arrangements that distinguish commercial cooperation from questions of sovereignty may therefore help reduce tensions while preserving opportunities for mutually beneficial connectivity.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The evolving politics of the Red Sea provides another illustration of the same broader transformation. Littoral states understandably have primary responsibilities because their sovereignty and security are directly affected. However, the consequences of disruptions in the Red Sea extend far beyond the coastline. Trade continuity, corridor security and supply chain resilience also affect the wider hinterland. The impact can have serious security, economic and political ramifications for affected countries. Recent debates over exclusive versus more inclusive approaches to Red Sea security governance, including Ethiopia&#8217;s calls for greater participation in regional maritime affairs, illustrate how questions of infrastructure, access and security have become increasingly intertwined. They also reflect competing visions of regional order. One emphasises sovereignty-focused arrangements centred primarily on littoral states, while another advocates a broader regional framework that recognises the legitimate interests of interconnected hinterland states. In an era of regional fragmentation and global disorder, these competing governance models risk reinforcing political polarisation, weakening the legitimacy and accountability of regional governance, and creating greater opportunities for external powers and competing geopolitical agendas to shape the region&#8217;s security architecture. An inclusive regional approach should therefore recognise both the sovereignty-based legitimate interests of coastal states and the wider regional consequences of maritime governance and security.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">These developments also illuminate a broader challenge concerning regional agency. The countries of the Horn possess agency. They negotiate investments, develop infrastructure and choose their international partners. Yet this agency is often exercised separately through bilateral arrangements rather than through shared regional frameworks. The result is not an absence of agency, but its fragmentation. The issue, therefore, is not whether the region possesses agency, but whether it can exercise that agency collectively in ways that strengthen collective regional governance rather than deepen strategic competition.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Imagining a new regional order </strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The real challenge facing the Horn is not connectivity itself, but how the region chooses to govern it. Rebuilding regional order is therefore not simply about developing more infrastructure or expanding access to ports. It is about strengthening the regional governance needed to manage the growing political, economic and security interdependence that infrastructure creates. This, in turn, requires restoring collective regional agency, not by withdrawing from external partnerships, but by developing the capacity to shape them through shared regional priorities and institutions.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">From that perspective, peace and security can no longer be understood only through conflict management or military balances. They also depend on how the region governs its ports, corridors, maritime space and economic connectivity. Infrastructure has become part of the region&#8217;s security architecture, and its governance must increasingly become part of the region&#8217;s peace architecture. This also requires reimagining ports, corridors and the connectivity they create not simply as objects of geopolitical competition or national advantage, but increasingly as shared <strong>regional public goods</strong> for whose provision, sustenance and long-term value all affected countries should bear responsibility and jointly shoulder the responsibility towards cooperation, collective stewardship and mutual benefit.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The broader lesson is that the Horn has long been socially, culturally and historically interconnected, but it is becoming materially more interconnected through infrastructure, trade and transport networks while politically more fragmented. Connectivity, by itself, does not necessarily produce regional integration. Without common rules and institutions, it can instead deepen rivalry and fragmentation and in a context of political fragmentation, fuels tension and proxy conflicts.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">This, in turn, raises a broader question for the region. The question is no longer simply who controls the next port or finances the next corridor. Rather, it is whether the countries of the Horn can transform increasingly securitised and zero-sum competition over ports, corridors and infrastructure into complementary, cooperative and mutually beneficial regional connectivity.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">If so, what forms of regional governance, political trust and prudent regional risk management are needed to make that transformation possible by strengthening and politically empowering existing regional and sub-regional cooperation and coordination mechanisms, so that the region&#8217;s geography, infrastructure and connectivity contribute to peace, security and a more resilient regional order rather than becoming another source of fragmentation?</p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/regional-order-and-the-new-geopolitics-of-ports-maritime-infrastructure-and-transport-corridors-in-the-horn-of-africa/">Regional order and the new geopolitics of ports, maritime infrastructure, and transport corridors in the Horn of Africa</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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		<title>Education in Conflict Situations</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/education-in-conflict-situations-august-3-2026/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 02 Aug 2026 08:28:31 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Children affected by Armed Conflicts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[2026]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Children Affected by Armed Conflicts]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=23984</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>2 August 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/education-in-conflict-situations-august-3-2026/">Education in Conflict Situations</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class="wpb-content-wrapper"><div data-parent="true" class="vc_row row-container" id="row-unique-4"><div class="row unequal col-half-gutter double-top-padding one-bottom-padding one-h-padding full-width row-parent"><div class="wpb_row row-inner"><div class="wpb_column pos-top pos-center align_left column_parent col-lg-12 single-internal-gutter"><div class="uncol style-light font-555555"  ><div class="uncoltable"><div class="uncell" ><div class="uncont no-block-padding col-custom-width" style=" max-width:996px;" ><div class="empty-space empty-half" ><span class="empty-space-inner"></span></div>
<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h1 class="font-555555 fontsize-189933 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-color-165108-color" ><span><strong>Education in Conflict Situations</strong></span></h1></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span>Date | <strong>2 August 2026</strong></span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow (3 August), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) is expected to convene its 1357<sup>th</sup> meeting, dedicated to its annual open session on education in conflict situations.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The session commences with the opening remarks of the Permanent Representative of Algeria to the AU and Chairperson of the PSC for August 2026, Mohamed Khaled, followed by the statement of Bankole Adeoye, AU Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS). The PSC is expected to receive presentations from Professor Gaspard Banyankimbona, AU Commissioner for Education, Science, Technology and Innovation (ESTI), and Amma A. Twum-Amoah, AU Commissioner for Health, Humanitarian Affairs and Social Development. Jainaba Jagne, AU Special Envoy for Children Affected by Armed Conflict (CAAC); Rebecca Amuge Otengo, Co-Chair of the Africa Platform on CAAC (AP-CAAC); Professor Robert Doya Nanima, the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACERWC) Special Rapporteur on Children in Conflict Situations; Vanessa Frazier, UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict; and a UNICEF representative are also expected to brief the session.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The last time the Council considered the theme was at its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1296.comm_en.pdf">1296<sup>th</sup></a> meeting, held on 13 August 2025. It tasked the AU Commission ‘to develop a policy on the protection and provision of education services during conflicts on the Continent’ and to issue ‘periodic Scorecards on the Elimination of Harmful Practices, tracking trends in child marriage and other violations in conflict-affected areas.’ The Council also requested a comprehensive and regularly updated matrix of AU legal frameworks, strategies and initiatives supporting inclusive education and continuity of learning during conflict, accompanied by an action plan for implementation from 2025 onwards. Tomorrow’s session may therefore assess progress on these assignments, identify outstanding policy, institutional, financing and capacity gaps, and consider how recurring commitments can be translated into measurable protection and education-continuity measures.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">A notable institutional development since the last session is the <a href="https://au.int/en/pressreleases/20260201/chairperson-appoints-special-envoy-children-affected-armed-conflict-caac">appointment</a> of Ambassador Jainaba Jagne as AU Special Envoy for CAAC on 1 February 2026. The appointment responds to a long-standing PSC request, reiterated at its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1229.comm_en.pdf">1229<sup>th</sup></a> meeting, the Council’s first dedicated open session on inclusive education in conflict situations. As the AU’s lead political advocate on CAAC, the Envoy provides a focal point for advocacy, coordination and accountability regarding grave violations, including those that obstruct access to education. In a June 2026 AU–UN <a href="https://childrenandarmedconflict.un.org/en/news/joint-statement-au-special-envoy-children-affected-armed-conflict-and-un-under-secretary">joint statement</a>, she called for movement ‘from commitments to implementation’ through stronger Member State action, child-sensitive early warning, protection of essential infrastructure and climate-resilient recovery. The PSC could accordingly involve the Envoy in developing and monitoring the proposed policy and implementation framework.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The broader policy environment has also evolved. The AU Decade of Accelerated Action for the Transformation of Education and Skills Development in Africa, 2025–2034, was formally <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/pressreleases/45431-pr-PR_2._Decade_of_Education_Launch_SM.pdf">launched</a> in October 2025 alongside six strategic frameworks, including <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/documents/44940-doc-AU_CESA-2026-2035_Strategy_ENGLISH.pdf">CESA 2026–2035</a>. A February 2026 high-level partners’ <a href="https://au.int/en/newsevents/20260213/hl-partners-consultation-accelerating-au-decade-education-and-skills">consultation</a> and CESA’s proposed cluster, governance and monitoring arrangements provide a stronger implementation architecture. The Nouakchott Declaration likewise calls for education in emergencies to be integrated into national education plans, for education-management information systems to cover conflict-affected and displaced children, and for a continental accountability mechanism. At the international level, UN Security Council <a href="https://docs.un.org/en/S/RES/2601%282021%29">Resolution 2601 (2021)</a> reinforces the protection framework by condemning attacks and threats against schools, affirming their civilian character and calling for continuity of education.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The scale of disruption gives urgency to the Council’s deliberations. The June 2026 Education Cannot Wait Global Estimates <a href="https://www.educationcannotwait.org/sites/default/files/2026-06/global_estimates_2026.pdf">indicate</a> that the crises affect 258 million school-aged children and adolescents worldwide, including 93 million who are out of school, with Africa accounting for about 128 million across 38 countries. Although the available figures measure different periods and dimensions of disruption and are not directly comparable, they illustrate the breadth of the crisis across the continent.</p>
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				</div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><script id="script-row-unique-5" data-row="script-row-unique-5" type="text/javascript" class="vc_controls">UNCODE.initRow(document.getElementById("row-unique-5"));</script></div></div></div><div data-parent="true" class="vc_row row-container" id="row-unique-6"><div class="row unequal col-half-gutter no-top-padding single-bottom-padding one-h-padding full-width row-parent"><div class="wpb_row row-inner"><div class="wpb_column pos-top pos-center align_left column_parent col-lg-12 single-internal-gutter"><div class="uncol style-light font-555555"  ><div class="uncoltable"><div class="uncell" ><div class="uncont no-block-padding col-custom-width" style=" max-width:996px;" ><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Against the background of the foregoing data, it is of importance for the PSC to organise tomorrow’s discussion around four mutually reinforcing priorities. The first is <strong>protecting education</strong> by translating the <a href="https://protectingeducation.org/wp-content/uploads/documents/documents_safe_schools_declaration-final.pdf">Safe Schools Declaration</a> into national doctrine and practice, strengthening early warning, reporting, investigation and accountability, and safeguarding learners, teachers and the civilian character of education facilities.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The second is sustaining <strong>continuity of education</strong> through emergency planning, temporary, accelerated and flexible learning, appropriate offline options, portable records and recognition of prior learning for displaced children.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The third concerns learning <strong>recovery and inclusion</strong>, with emphasis on foundational learning, teacher support, psychosocial services and barriers affecting girls, children with disabilities, displaced learners and children formerly associated with armed groups.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The fourth is <strong>financing and measuring delivery</strong> through stronger domestic and pooled financing.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In terms of protecting education, the PSC’s <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1314.comm_en.pdf">1314<sup>th</sup></a> meeting recognised the internationally recognised <a href="https://childrenandarmedconflict.un.org/en/six-grave-violations">six grave violations</a> against children in armed conflict, including attacks on schools and hospitals. These violations are mutually reinforcing, as attacks and prolonged disruption can increase exposure to recruitment, exploitation, early marriage and sexual violence. Education under Attack 2026 <a href="https://eua2026.protectingeducation.org/">recorded</a> that thirteen of the 28 country profiles involving attacks on education and incidents of military use concern African states, with the DRC and Ethiopia among those recording the highest incidence of attacks and Nigeria and Cameroon among those with the highest numbers of students and education personnel harmed. Although African participation in the Safe Schools Declaration is substantial, implementation remains uneven. The <a href="https://protectingeducation.org/wp-content/uploads/Nairobi-Outcome-Document-29.1.26-1.pdf">Fifth</a> International Conference on the Safe Schools Declaration, held in Nairobi in November 2025, identified domestication and implementation as the main gaps.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">With respect to sustaining continuity, deliberations are likely to consider suitable delivery methods in conflict-affected settings. Mobile provision, digital platforms and radio-based learning broadly align with the <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/documents/42416-doc-1._DES_EN_-_2022_09_14.pdf">AU Digital Education Strategy</a>. Nevertheless, Amani Africa’s post-session <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/monthly-digest-on-the-african-union-peace-and-security-council-august-2025/">analysis</a> of the 1296<sup>th</sup> meeting cautioned that unreliable electricity, weak connectivity, inadequate infrastructure, device scarcity and internet shutdowns can severely limit digital learning in conflict settings. Commissioner Banyankimbona reinforced this point at the July 2026 Innovating Education in Africa <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/speeches/Statement%20by%20Prof.%20Gaspard%20Banyankimbona%20at%20Innovating%20Education%20in%20Africa%20%28IEA%29%202026%20Expo.pdf">Expo</a>, noting that many schools still lack electricity and affordable internet and stressing that ‘technology is simply a tool, and people are the purpose.’ Digital delivery should therefore complement functioning schools, teachers and face-to-face support and be combined with radio, print materials, mobile classrooms and community learning spaces. The discussion may also consider accessibility across languages, locations and levels of connectivity, while avoiding measures that deepen exclusion among displaced and marginalised learners.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">On learning recovery and inclusion, the mutually reinforcing nature of grave violations requires responses linking education with child-protection monitoring, DDR, humanitarian assistance, psychosocial support, mediation and post-conflict reconstruction. Teacher support is equally central. The October 2025 regional <a href="https://www.educationcannotwait.org/resource-library/call-action-the-eastern-and-southern-africa-regional-education-in-emergencies">Call to Action</a> urges governments and partners to ‘protect, support, and invest in’ teachers through improved safety, fair and predictable remuneration, training, well-being and participation in policy. Reopening schools without a protected, supported and adequately paid workforce risks creating formally open schools unable to provide safe and meaningful learning. The <a href="https://www.unicef.org/sudan/press-releases/unicef-save-children-and-partners-restore-learning-328000-conflict-affected-children">BRIDGES programme</a>, launched in Sudan in May 2026, offers a practical recovery model. It aims to restore learning for more than 328,000 conflict-affected children, reopen about 850 schools, support over 9,000 teachers and establish nearly 1,800 safe learning spaces. Its value lies in linking access with teacher support, remedial learning, alternative spaces, improved data and longer-term system strengthening, rather than treating recovery as physical rehabilitation alone. Support for displaced learners should also include investment in host-community schools to prevent overcrowding and pressure on fragile receiving areas.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Finally, financing is expected to be central to the Council’s deliberations. Africa faces an <a href="https://www.unesco.org/en/articles/qa-what-you-need-know-about-state-education-africa">estimated</a> annual education financing gap of US$77 billion, while conflict-affected systems must compete with other urgent humanitarian priorities. This pressure is compounded by UNICEF’s <a href="https://www.unicef.org/media/173911/file/Funding%20cut%20analysis%20-%20education.pdf">projection</a> that global education aid will decline by US$3.2 billion, or 24 per cent, between 2023 and 2026, potentially placing nearly six million additional children at risk of dropping out, including about 1.9 million in West and Central Africa. Although crisis-affected families continue to prioritise education, nearly four in five school withdrawals are <a href="https://www.educationcannotwait.org/sites/default/files/2026-06/global_estimates_2026.pdf">attributed</a> either to financial barriers or conflict-related school closures, accounting for 39 per cent and 38 per cent, respectively. Against this backdrop, the 1296<sup>th</sup> meeting emphasised higher domestic allocations, pooled emergency education funds, mobilisation through relevant AU mechanisms, possible AU Peace Fund support and closer donor alignment with CESA 2026–2035. The PSC may therefore deliberate on how to expand these financing options while directing resources towards emergency preparedness, teacher remuneration, host-community education services and sustainable education data systems.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The expected outcome of the session is a communiqué. The Council may condemn attacks on learners, teachers and education facilities and demand an end to the military use of schools. In this regard, the PSC may underscore the importance of the Safe School Declaration in advancing protection of education. The PSC may emphasise its integration into military doctrine, training, and child-sensitive risk assessment. Welcoming the appointment of the AU Special Envoy on Children Affected by Conflict and to advance implementation, the PSC may task the AU Special Envoy, working closely with the Special Rapporteur of ACERWC on Children in Conflict Situations, to regularly document and report on incidents of attacks and military use and facilitate investigation and accountability. It may also assign the Special Envoy to follow up and report on the implementation of the decisions of the 1229<sup>th</sup> and the 1296<sup>th</sup> sessions of the PSC. The Council may call for education continuity interventions to be integrated into mediation, ceasefires, humanitarian access, stabilisation and post-conflict reconstruction processes, while encouraging support for affected learners and personnel, and restoration of the civilian character of education facilities. The PSC may welcome the launch of AU Decade of Accelerated Action for the Transformation of Education and Skills Development in Africa, 2025–2034. The Council may also task the AU Commission, particularly the Departments of ESTI, HHS and PAPS, to develop joint action plan to advance a) the adoption by states of adequately financed, <strong>gender-responsive and disability-inclusive</strong> emergency education plans and b) the protection and remuneration of teachers, strengthening of host-community schools and provision of temporary, accelerated, flexible and viable offline learning arrangements for displaced and other conflict-affected children.</p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/education-in-conflict-situations-august-3-2026/">Education in Conflict Situations</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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		<title>Monthly Digest on The African Union Peace And Security Council &#8211; June 2026</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/monthly-digest-on-the-african-union-peace-and-security-council-june-2026/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 31 Jul 2026 16:43:36 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Uncategorized]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=23968</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>June 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/monthly-digest-on-the-african-union-peace-and-security-council-june-2026/">Monthly Digest on The African Union Peace And Security Council &#8211; June 2026</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class="wpb-content-wrapper"><div data-parent="true" class="vc_row row-container" id="row-unique-7"><div class="row unequal col-half-gutter double-top-padding double-bottom-padding one-h-padding full-width row-parent"><div class="wpb_row row-inner"><div class="wpb_column pos-top pos-center align_left column_parent col-lg-12 single-internal-gutter"><div class="uncol style-light font-555555"  ><div class="uncoltable"><div class="uncell" ><div class="uncont no-block-padding col-custom-width" style=" max-width:996px;" ><div class="empty-space empty-half" ><span class="empty-space-inner"></span></div>
<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h1 class="font-555555 fontsize-189933 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-color-165108-color" ><span>Monthly Digest on The African Union Peace And Security Council &#8211; June 2026</span></h1></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span>Date | June 2026</span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In June, under the chairship of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, standing in for the Republic of Sierra-Leone, the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) had a scheduled <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/provisional-programme-of-work-of-the-peace-and-security-council-for-june-2026/">Provisional Programme of Work (PPoW)</a> consisting of four substantive sessions, covering five agenda items. Following the revision of the PPoW, three substantive sessions took place, covering four agenda items. Out of the four agenda items, only one focused on a country-specific issue, while the rest addressed thematic issues. All the substantive sessions during the month were held at the level of ambassadors.</p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/monthly-digest-on-the-african-union-peace-and-security-council-june-2026/">Monthly Digest on The African Union Peace And Security Council &#8211; June 2026</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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		<title>Provisional Programme of Work of the Peace and Security Council for August 2026</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/provisional-programme-of-work-of-the-peace-and-security-council-for-august-2026/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 31 Jul 2026 16:22:04 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[2026 Program of Work]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Program of Work]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[2026]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=23972</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>August 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/provisional-programme-of-work-of-the-peace-and-security-council-for-august-2026/">Provisional Programme of Work of the Peace and Security Council for August 2026</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class="wpb-content-wrapper"><div data-parent="true" class="vc_row row-container" id="row-unique-8"><div class="row unequal col-half-gutter double-top-padding one-bottom-padding one-h-padding full-width row-parent"><div class="wpb_row row-inner"><div class="wpb_column pos-top pos-center align_left column_parent col-lg-12 single-internal-gutter"><div class="uncol style-light font-555555"  ><div class="uncoltable"><div class="uncell" ><div class="uncont no-block-padding col-custom-width" style=" max-width:996px;" ><div class="empty-space empty-half" ><span class="empty-space-inner"></span></div>
<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h1 class="font-555555 fontsize-189933 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-color-165108-color" ><span><strong>Provisional Programme of Work of the Peace and Security Council for August 2026</strong></span></h1></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span></p></span><span><p style="text-align: left;">Date | August 2026</p></span><span><p></span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In August, the People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria will assume the chairship of the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) (see <a href="https://x.com/africa_amani/status/2080304876190371956"><em>In the Words of the PSC Chairperson</em></a> for an overview of Algeria’s chairship). The Provisional Programme of Work (PPoW) for the month envisages nine substantive sessions, a field mission and an Extraordinary AU Summit. All the sessions planned during the month are scheduled to take place at the ambassadorial level. Of the nine sessions, only two will focus on country/conflict-specific situations, while the other seven will address thematic issues, alongside PSC’s meetings with other relevant bodies. In addition to the substantive sessions, the PSC subsidiary bodies – the Committee of Experts (CoE) and the Military Staff Committee (MSC) – are also expected to meet during the month.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The first session of the month, scheduled for 3 August, will be an open session on the theme, ‘Education in Conflict Situation.’ The last time the PSC considered this theme was during Algeria’s Chairship of the PSC in August 2025, during its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1296.comm_en.pdf">1296<sup>th</sup> session</a> on 13 August 2025, following the decision of the PSC to have a dedicated session on education in conflict situations on an annual basis at its first session on education held in August 2024, at its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1229.comm_en.pdf">1229<sup>th</sup> session</a>, during Botswana’s chairship. It is to be recalled that the 1229<sup>th</sup> PSC session decided to institutionalise the ‘Open Session on Inclusive Education in Conflict Situation as an annual event of the Council.’ This year’s session will therefore build on, and is expected to follow up on, the commitments made at the 1229<sup>th</sup> meeting which included a call to improve data collection and evidence-based policymaking to address the unique challenges facing education in conflict situations, as well as those from the 1296<sup>th</sup>, which tasked the AU Commission ‘to develop a policy on the protection and provision of education services during conflicts on the Continent.’ The 1296<sup>th</sup> session also tasked the Commission with issuing ‘periodic Scorecards on the Elimination of Harmful Practices, tracking trends in child marriage and other violations in conflict-affected areas.’ Of importance will also be to follow up on the status of the task of developing a comprehensive and dynamic matrix listing all AU legal frameworks, strategies and initiatives aimed at promoting inclusive education for all, particularly ensuring continuity of education in times of conflict in Africa, and to develop an action plan on activities to be undertaken in this area from 2025 onwards.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The session also comes just a few months after Jainaba Jagne, former Permanent Representative of The Gambia to the AU and former Co-Chair of the Africa Platform on Children Affected by Armed Conflict (AP-CAAC), was <a href="https://au.int/ar/node/45903">appointed</a> as the first-ever AU Special Envoy for Children Affected by Armed Conflict tasked to ensure sustained continental leadership and coordinated follow-up on the CAAC mandate. Indeed, the Special Envoy would be the most suited institutional structure of the AU for following up and advancing the agenda of protection and continuation of education in conflict situations, and the session thus could anchor its engagement on the role of the Envoy.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">On 5 August, the PSC will receive its quarterly briefing from the A3 on their activities within the UNSC,  conducted from April to June 2026. This engagement traces back to the <a href="https://papsrepository.africanunion.org/server/api/core/bitstreams/c108cff1-d94b-44ae-b3eb-d94384f0a750/content">Inaugural</a> Meeting of the High-Level Seminar (HLS) on peace and security in Africa held in December 2013 in Algiers, Algeria, in which it mandated the A3 to provide the PSC with quarterly briefings on African issues before the UNSC. The commitment was reaffirmed at the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/working-documents/">11<sup>th</sup> Oran Process</a> in 2024 and further formalised through the adoption of the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/Manual-of-Engagement-on-Engagement-between-PSC-and-A3-HLS-EN.pdf">Manual on the Modalities for Enhancing Coordination between the PSC and the A3</a>. This was then endorsed at the PSC&#8217;s <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1289.comm_en.pdf">1289<sup>th </sup>session</a> held on 24 July 2025, setting out clear requirements for regular reporting and structured engagement. The <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/Conclusions-for-the-12th-Annual-HLS-on-Promotion-of-Peace-and-Security-on-Africa-EN.pdf">12<sup>th</sup> Oran Process</a>, held in December 2025, further urged the PSC and A3 to ‘regularise and institutionalise their interactions at the level of Permanent Representatives, Political Coordinators and Experts on African issues.’</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">While it has not been held regularly on a quarterly basis, the most recent briefing of the A3 to the PSC was during Council’s <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1340.comm_en.pdf">1340<sup>th</sup></a> session held on 20 April 2026, in which it briefed the PSC on its activities in the UNSC during the first quarter of 2026. During that session, the Council reiterated ‘the importance of regular briefings by the A3 to the PSC, on a quarterly basis, and as may be necessary, on African issues under consideration by the UNSC.’ It further directed the Commission to assess the feasibility of conducting one of the quarterly briefings at the AU Headquarters. The session will also give an opportunity to follow up on several tasks from that session, including directing the AU Commission ‘to develop, in full respect of AU Assembly Decisions, a Matrix of Common African Positions on peace and security matters,’ as well as an ‘Annual Plan of Action’ to advance this.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Following this, on 7 August, the PSC will receive an &#8216;Update on the Situation in the Sahel.&#8217; The region continues to face deepening crises through 2026. Earlier in July, the AU Commission&#8217;s Chairperson undertook a series of visits to the region, beginning with a two-day visit to <a href="https://au.int/en/pressrelease/au-commission-chairperson-arrives-bamako-official-visit-mali">Mali</a> on 12 July 2026 aimed at strengthening engagement with the AU, followed by a visit to <a href="https://x.com/_AfricanUnion/status/2077474789523124607?s=20">Burkina Faso</a> on 15 July 2026 to &#8216;convey the Union&#8217;s solidarity with the Government and people of Burkina Faso in their efforts to restore peace, combat terrorism and promote stability.&#8217; Just days later, terrorist attacks were launched against a detachment of the Nigerien Armed Forces on the Bankilaré–Téra axis in the Tillabéri region on 17 July 2026, followed by an ambush on 18 July 2026 against a convoy of the Malian Armed Forces between Anéfis and Gao. The resurgent groups, JNIM and Islamic State Sahel Province (ISSP), now control more territory collectively than at any point since the 2012 Mali crisis, with JNIM combining guerrilla attacks with governance and service provision in areas it holds. The session affords the PSC an opportunity to seriously rethink AU’s approach to the situation in the Sahel, moving away from the exclusively legalistic and constitutionalism-centric approach to mobilising collective action to contain the existential threat facing the central Sahelian states and the accompanying spillover into coastal West Africa.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">On 12 August, the PSC will hold a session to get an update on the ‘Progress made in Silencing the Guns in Africa roadmap.’ It is worth recalling that at its 14<sup>th</sup> Extraordinary Session, held in Johannesburg on 6 December 2020, the AU Assembly <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/documents/40819-doc-ext-assembly-au-dec-1-and-decl-1-xiv-e.pdf">decided</a> to extend the Silencing the Guns (STG) timeline by a decade, to 2030. To strengthen implementation of this goal, a Monitoring and Evaluation Mechanism for the STG 2030 was adopted in June 2021, following a recommendation from the 28<sup>th</sup> Ordinary Session of the AU Assembly of Heads of State. Falling within this framework, the upcoming session will offer an opportunity to take stock of the continent&#8217;s current security landscape, assess how far implementation has advanced, and identify effective strategies for closing the gap between Africa&#8217;s ambition to end conflict and the evolving realities on the ground, as extensively documented in <a href="https://x.com/africa_amani/status/1846087123872452947">Amani Africa special research report</a> reviewing the first ten-year implementation of Silencing the Guns. The last time the PSC held a session on this theme was at its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1252.comm_en.pdf">1252<sup>nd</sup> session</a> held in December 2024. The session scheduled for this month will also serve as an occasion to follow up on some of the outcomes of that session, including the decision to comprehensively assess the progress and challenges to the agenda of silencing the guns through a high-level reflection forum and for the High-Representative on Silencing the Guns to brief the Council twice a year.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The next session will be held on 14 August. It will be a consultation between the PSC and the African Governance Architecture-African Peace and Security Architecture (AGA-APSA) Platform and the PRC Sub-Committee on Human Rights, Democracy and Governance (HRDG). The PSC last held such a consultation at its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1295.comm_en.pdf">1295<sup>th</sup> session</a> in August 2025, where it requested the AU Commission, in coordination with the AGA-APSA Platform, the PRC Sub-Committee on HRDG, and APRM, to develop a comprehensive matrix of all AU legal frameworks on governance, human rights, peace and security, and to assess whether these frameworks remain fit for purpose in addressing the continent&#8217;s complex governance and security challenges, as part of the broader review of governance, peace and security frameworks. This joint format was first established at the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/1167.comm_en.pdf">1167<sup>th</sup> session</a> in August 2023, which brought the AGA-APSA Platform and the PRC Sub-Committee on HRDG together for the first time. Before that, the PSC had engaged each body separately, first with the AGA-APSA Platform at its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/1098.comm_en.pdf">1098<sup>th</sup> session</a> in August 2022, and then with the PRC Sub-Committee at its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/1095.comm_en.pdf">1095<sup>th</sup> session</a> that same month.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Following this, the PSC is scheduled to undertake a field visit to Sudan on 16 and 17 August. It is to be recalled that the PSC undertook a one-day visit to Port Sudan in October 2024.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">After the field visit to Sudan, the PSC will convene a consultation with the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) on 19 August. It is worth recalling that the annual engagement will be held in accordance with the outcome of the last consultative meeting of the two bodies held in June 2023, contained in the 1160<sup>th</sup> <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/1160.comm_en.pdf">Communiqué</a> of the PSC. From the meeting, the two bodies committed to institutionalise and regularise their annual joint meeting on peace and security in Africa, to be hosted alternately in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia and Midrand, South Africa. In this respect, this year’s meeting will be held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, building on the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1290.comm_en.pdf">1290<sup>th</sup> meeting</a> held in July 2025, in which it adopted the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/Final-Adopted-Conclusions-PSC-PAP-Consultative-Meeting-17-18-July-2025_EN.pdf">Conclusions</a> of the Inaugural Joint Consultative meeting between the two bodies, held on 17 and 18 July 2025, Midrand, South Africa. The session will receive an update on the development of a roadmap and work plan for collaboration between the PSC and PAP, as tasked during the 1290<sup>th</sup> meeting.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">A day later, on 21 August, there will be the annual PSC and the African Commission of Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) Consultation. The consultative meeting will be convened pursuant to Article 19 of the PSC Protocol, which calls for close cooperation between the PSC and the ACHPR in promoting peace, security and stability across Africa. Building on this provision, the PSC, at its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/866th-MEETING-August-08-2019-On-its-consultation-with-the-African-Commission-on-Human-and-Peoples-Rights-ACHPR.pdf">866<sup>th</sup> meeting</a> of August 2019, resolved to institutionalise this engagement through annual joint consultative meetings with the ACHPR. The most recent joint meeting was held in June 2025, as the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1284.2.comm_en.pdf">1284<sup>th</sup> session</a>, during which the PSC requested the ACHPR to give particular attention to the human rights situation of vulnerable groups disproportionately affected by armed conflict, including women, children, older persons, persons with disabilities, migrants, internally displaced persons (IDPs), and refugees. The meeting also reiterated the commitment to continue strengthening the PSC collaboration with the ACHPR, including through regular information sharing, as well as institutionalisation and regularisation of the consultation as an annual event.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">On 24 August, there will be a coordination meeting of the AUCTC, APRM, CISSA and AFRIPOL on Continental Early Warning Systems (CEWS), focusing on ‘Validation of the Continental Threats Assessment and Risks Mapping Tool and APRM Early Warning.’ It is worth noting that at the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1320.comm_en.pdf">1320<sup>th</sup> meeting</a> of December 2025 on the ‘Continental Early Warning System and Security Outlook,’ the PSC underlined the need to strengthen the analytical convergence between AUCTC, CISSA, AFRIPOL and the RECs/RMs. The Commission was further tasked to collaborate with AUCTC, AFRIPOL, CISSA and APRM to introduce and institutionalise a dynamic tool for mapping risks and threats to peace and security in Africa. The upcoming session will provide an opportunity to follow up on this.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The last substantial meeting will be held on 26 August, in which the PSC will receive a briefing by the C5 and the AU Special Envoy to South Sudan on the latest developments in the country. This will be the second session the PSC convenes this year, focusing substantially on the developments in the country as four months remain until the December 2026 elections. The session will build up from the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1343.comm-EN.pdf">1343<sup>rd</sup></a> meeting of 30 April 2026, in which the PSC, through official emails, adopted a communiqué endorsing the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1343-PSC-Field-Mission-Report-South-Sudan-en.pdf">Report</a> of the PSC Field Mission to the country conducted from 23 to 25 April 2026. Several tasks were raised from the communiqué worth following up on, including a call for the convening of an extraordinary IGAD ministerial meeting, and tasking the AU Commission Chairperson to expedite the deployment of a multidimensional technical needs assessment team to South Sudan ahead of the elections. The R-TGoNU was also tasked to subsequently submit its election-related needs to the AU Commission to help secure the support required for free, fair, democratic and inclusive elections.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The session comes against the backdrop of stalled progress in implementing major transitional tasks of the R-ARCSS, amid challenges including political tension and growing mistrust resulting from the continued house arrest of First Vice President Riek Machar. At the beginning of July, South Sudan&#8217;s parliament approved controversial amendments to the R-ARCSS, removing requirements for a population census and a permanent constitution before elections. President Kiir formally assented to the amendment on 22 July 2026, clearing the legal pathway, as per government framing, for the country to hold general elections in December 2026, delinking the permanent constitution and national census from the electoral timeline — a move seen as fundamentally altering the R-ARCSS&#8217;s structure by repealing provisions that had established the agreement&#8217;s supremacy over conflicting laws, thereby weakening its legitimacy. Recently, at a workshop in Juba on enhancing the role of South Sudanese stakeholders in implementing the Revitalised Peace Agreement, convened by IGAD, the Chairperson of R-JMEC stated that implementation of the R-ARCSS continues to be stalled, citing incomplete Transitional Security Arrangements, inadequate funding, population displacement, insecurity in various parts of the country, and uncertainty surrounding the inclusivity of the political process.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">This session comes against the background of intensifying diplomatic efforts, which so far have produced no major breakthrough. IGAD&#8217;s Special Envoy&#8217;s visit to Juba on 16 June for a meeting focused on the country&#8217;s ongoing political transition and preparations for the 2026 elections. Ten days later, former President of Tanzania and AU High Representative for the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea, Jakaya Kikwete, briefed the Chairperson of the AU Commission, the C5 and the AU Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security, on the findings and outcomes of his recent visit to South Sudan. In addition, in July, the C5 — led by South Africa&#8217;s Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Roland Lamola, in his capacity as Chair of the ministerial committee — visited Juba to assess progress on implementing the Declarations of the C5 Plus Summit, held on the margins of the 39th AU Summit in February 2026 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In addition to the substantive sessions, the PSC subsidiary bodies are also scheduled to meet during the month. On 6 August, the Military Staff Committee (MSC) will meet on matters relating to the implementation of the Memorandum of Understanding of the African Standby Force (ASF). On 10 August, the Committee of Experts (CoE) will meet for consultations on the ‘Consideration of the Continental Threats Assessment and Risks Mapping Tool.’ Another CoE meeting will be held on 25 August to consider ‘the Guidelines on listing and delisting.’</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">On 29 and 30 August, there will be an Extraordinary AU Summit on ‘Strengthening Mechanisms for Conflict Prevention and Resolution in Africa,’ to be held in Luanda, Angola. This comes following the AU Assembly Decision of February 2026, in which the Luanda Summit was seen as a strategic convening devoted exclusively to conflict prevention in Africa, with concrete, measurable and time-bound deliverables, rather than a declarative forum.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The footnote of the PPoW also provides for the PSC Chairperson to chair the 2<sup>nd</sup> Political Meeting of the AGA-APSA Platform on 4 August. The Chairperson is also expected to participate in the Opening Ceremony of &#8216;Youth, Peace and Security,&#8217; to be held in Bujumbura, Burundi, on 10 August 2026. Finally, there is also a planned monthly exchange between the PSC and the UNSC Chairs.</p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/provisional-programme-of-work-of-the-peace-and-security-council-for-august-2026/">Provisional Programme of Work of the Peace and Security Council for August 2026</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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		<title>Monthly Digest on The African Union Peace And Security Council &#8211; June 2026</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/monthly-digest-on-the-african-union-peace-and-security-council-june2026/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 31 Jul 2026 12:23:51 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Monthly digest on the AUPSC]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[2026]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Monthly Digest on the AUPSC]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=24029</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>June 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/monthly-digest-on-the-african-union-peace-and-security-council-june2026/">Monthly Digest on The African Union Peace And Security Council &#8211; June 2026</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h1 class="font-555555 fontsize-189933 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-color-165108-color" ><span>Monthly Digest on The African Union Peace And Security Council &#8211; June 2026</span></h1></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span>Date | June 2026</span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In June, under the chairship of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, standing in for the Republic of Sierra-Leone, the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) had a scheduled <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/provisional-programme-of-work-of-the-peace-and-security-council-for-june-2026/">Provisional Programme of Work (PPoW)</a> consisting of four substantive sessions, covering five agenda items. Following the revision of the PPoW, three substantive sessions took place, covering four agenda items. Out of the four agenda items, only one focused on a country-specific issue, while the rest addressed thematic issues. All the substantive sessions during the month were held at the level of ambassadors.</p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/monthly-digest-on-the-african-union-peace-and-security-council-june2026/">Monthly Digest on The African Union Peace And Security Council &#8211; June 2026</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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		<title>COMMUNIQUE  OF THE  SECOND EXTRA-ORDINARY SUMMIT OF THE TROOP CONTRIBUTING COUNTRIES TO THE AFRICAN UNION SUPPORT AND STABILIZATION MISSION IN SOMALIA AND THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT OF SOMALIA</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/communique-of-the-second-extra-ordinary-summit-of-the-troop-contributing-countries-to-the-african-union-support-and-stabilization-mission-in-somalia-and-the-federal-government-of-somalia/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 31 Jul 2026 12:01:49 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[AU Assembly and Other Decisions/ Reports]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=24013</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>31 JULY 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/communique-of-the-second-extra-ordinary-summit-of-the-troop-contributing-countries-to-the-african-union-support-and-stabilization-mission-in-somalia-and-the-federal-government-of-somalia/">COMMUNIQUE  OF THE  SECOND EXTRA-ORDINARY SUMMIT OF THE TROOP CONTRIBUTING COUNTRIES TO THE AFRICAN UNION SUPPORT AND STABILIZATION MISSION IN SOMALIA AND THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT OF SOMALIA</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/ADOPTED-COMMUNIQUE-AUSSOM-2026.pdf">COMMUNIQUE OF THE SECOND EXTRA-ORDINARY SUMMIT OF THE TROOP CONTRIBUTING COUNTRIES TO THE AFRICAN UNION SUPPORT AND STABILIZATION MISSION IN SOMALIA AND THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT OF SOMALIA </a></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/communique-of-the-second-extra-ordinary-summit-of-the-troop-contributing-countries-to-the-african-union-support-and-stabilization-mission-in-somalia-and-the-federal-government-of-somalia/">COMMUNIQUE  OF THE  SECOND EXTRA-ORDINARY SUMMIT OF THE TROOP CONTRIBUTING COUNTRIES TO THE AFRICAN UNION SUPPORT AND STABILIZATION MISSION IN SOMALIA AND THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT OF SOMALIA</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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		<title>Why the African Union and Somalia need to plan for the worst-case scenario of AUSSOM’s withdrawal</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/why-the-african-union-and-somalia-need-to-plan-for-the-worst-case-scenario-of-aussoms-withdrawal/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 30 Jul 2026 05:47:32 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Ideas Indaba]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[2026]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=23947</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>30 July 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/why-the-african-union-and-somalia-need-to-plan-for-the-worst-case-scenario-of-aussoms-withdrawal/">Why the African Union and Somalia need to plan for the worst-case scenario of AUSSOM’s withdrawal</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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<h1><strong>Why the African Union and Somalia need to plan for the worst-case scenario of AUSSOM’s withdrawal </strong></h1>
<h1><strong> </strong></h1>
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</div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span>Date | 30 July 2026</span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><script id="script-row-unique-10" data-row="script-row-unique-10" type="text/javascript" class="vc_controls">UNCODE.initRow(document.getElementById("row-unique-10"));</script></div></div></div><div data-parent="true" class="vc_row row-container" id="row-unique-11"><div class="row one-top-padding one-bottom-padding one-h-padding limit-width row-parent"><div class="wpb_row row-inner"><div class="wpb_column pos-top pos-center align_left column_parent col-lg-12 single-internal-gutter"><div class="uncol style-light"  ><div class="uncoltable"><div class="uncell no-block-padding" ><div class="uncont" ><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">On 29-30 July, once again Kampala plays host to the technical, ministerial and summit-level meetings of the African Union Support and Stabilisation Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM) Troop Contributing and Police Contributing Countries (TCCs/PCCs) plus Somalia. The meeting kicked off yesterday with a session of the Chiefs of Defence Forces of TCCs/PCCs of AUSSOM.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Initially, this meeting was requested by the Peace and Security Council (PSC) of the AU in view of the existential financial crisis facing AUSSOM. It was the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1317.comm_en.pdf">1317th session of 15 December 2025 of the PSC</a> that tasked ‘the Commission to urgently convene a meeting of the AUSSOM TCCs/PCCs at the level of Chiefs of Defence Forces, to discuss the proposed three options, including their implications on the sustainability of AUSSOM and its operations; and to submit a detailed report with their recommendations for Council’s consideration.’ This request was further reiterated by the PSC during its 1342nd session of April 2026.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">It was the letter that the United States (US) Mission to the AU (USAU) sent to the African Union on 1 July 2026 that led to the speedy convening of this meeting. In the letter, the US informed the AU that when the renewal of the mandate of AUSSOM comes up in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in December 2026, the US would not support the renewal <em>‘</em><em>if it includes UNSOS or any UN logistical or operational support.’ </em></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">While the decision was not completely surprising given that it came in a context in which the US has been reconsidering its funding of UN missions and an earlier decision cutting 25% of UNSOS budget, it came before the AU and Somalia acted timely on PSC’s request and put in place a plan on the immediate future of AU’s long-running and largest peace operation to date.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">As pointed out in an earlier <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/the-us-plan-to-unplug-the-un-support-office-in-somalia-the-last-straw-that-may-break-the-african-union-s-peace-operation/">Amani Africa article</a>, the end of UNSOS and the critical logistics support on which AUSSOM depends for all its operations would practically make the continuation of the AU mission, which suffers from major funding shortfalls, untenable. The unplagging of UNSOS from AUSSOM is like pulling the life support from a patient whose life depends on it. While AUSSOM has sustained and can continue its operation while facing a major shortfall of funds, it cannot continue with its operations without UNSOS logistics support or without finding, within the short time left, an alternative logistics support arrangement fully replacing UNSOS.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The Kampala meeting comes following a series of meetings in response to the US letter, including ‘<a href="https://x.com/AUC_PAPS/status/2073140631967297822">an information briefing</a>’ of 3 July for the Defence Attachés of the TCCs and Police Contributing Countries (PCCs) of AUSSOM, an informal consultation of the PSC of 8 July, and a <a href="https://x.com/AUC_PAPS/status/2080920324279771196">meeting of experts of TCCs &amp; PCCs of AUSSOM plus Somalia of 24 July</a>. The key meeting of 24 July deliberated on the three options on the future of AUSSOM referenced in the 1317th session of the PSC of 15 December 2025.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The three options PSC proposed for further interrogation, were initially outlined in the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1317-Report.pdf">AU Commission Chairperson’s report to the 1317th session of the PSC</a>. The first option envisages <strong>maintaining the status quo with respect to AUSSOM and UN support structures, </strong>under which the AU and UN would continue implementing the UNSOS contingency plan and absorb the mandated USD 130 million reductions. The second option involved <strong>transforming the AU mission into a regional cooperation framework based on bilateral deployments, </strong>whereby some military or police components currently under AUSSOM would be replaced or supplemented by regional or bilateral arrangements between the Federal Government of Somalia and its partners. The third option proposes an <strong>organised mission withdrawal and transition to full Somali ownership</strong>, involving a jointly planned and orderly withdrawal of AUSSOM at the end of the CONOPS lifespan, supported by a detailed exit framework, clear timelines, and close coordination with TCCs and PCCs.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">It emerged from the meeting of 24 July that the options further updated without UNSOS were not deemed feasible due to the significant risks they posed to operational continuity, force sustainment and the potential for security gaps. The meeting proposed the presentation of the three options to the Chiefs of Defence Forces of AUSSOM TCCs/PCCs along with this conclusion on the options and a proposal for engaging the US ‘to negotiate for the continuation of’ the 2024-2029 transition supported by UNSOS. The three options as updated and the report of the 24 July meeting were <a href="https://x.com/AUC_PAPS/status/2082535188341346689">presented</a> to the meeting of Chiefs of Defence Forces held yesterday in Kampala, Uganda.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The proposal for preserving UNSOS for the duration of the transition is understandable from the point of view of avoiding a security gap, getting Somali forces to a level where they are able to preserve the security gains made and ensuring a planned withdrawal. However, its feasibility is contingent on having the US reverse its decision. Addressing the Chiefs gathered in Kampala, Uganda’s Chief of Defence Forces <a href="https://www.updf.go.ug/missions/cdf-gen-kainerugaba-calls-for-african-unity-and-resolve-to-sustain-somalia-peace-mission/amp/">called for</a> ‘African-led alternative arrangements that would sustain the mission beyond 2026,’ noting the indications that the US would not support the current UN support framework. As a recent <a href="https://balqiis.org/no-time-to-drift-somalia-and-the-deadline-for-a-managed-security-transition/">policy brief</a> cogently argued, another option that the Kampala summit may consider envisages minimal logistic support through a hybrid mechanism from funds other than UN assessed contributions, including AU, anchored on a negotiated transition compact.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">These are best-case scenario options but with significant variation. They assume either reversal of the US decision on unplugging UNSOS or the possibility of the establishment of a viable alternative option within the very short time available to ensure the sustenance of AUSSOM beyond December 2026.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In addition to a plan for exploring these options, the Kampala summit needs to consider and adopt a contingency plan for the worst-case scenario too. This is a scenario where reversal of the US decision on supporting UNSOS mandate beyond December 2026 could not be secured, or an alternative to it or any middle ground could not be arranged to sustain AUSSOM beyond December 2026.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Given the risks identified during the 24 July meeting of experts and the dangers that AUSSOM’s withdrawal by December 2026 poses, planning for this worst-case scenario should accordingly involve ways of managing such risks. This necessitates the designing and implementation of measures that mitigate the risks to the minimum possible and ensure as orderly a withdrawal as possible while simultaneously facilitating alternative security support to Somalia that may involve a combination of bilateral support along with a regional joint force modelled on the Multinational Joint Task Force in the Lake Chad Basin adapted to the Somalia context.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The worst-case scenario is not necessarily inevitable. Nor is it one to be embraced. However, the AU, TCCs/PCCS of AUSSOM and Somalia could not afford not to plan for it.</p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/why-the-african-union-and-somalia-need-to-plan-for-the-worst-case-scenario-of-aussoms-withdrawal/">Why the African Union and Somalia need to plan for the worst-case scenario of AUSSOM’s withdrawal</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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		<title>PEACE AND SECURITY COUNCIL 1356TH MEETING</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/peace-and-security-council-1356th-meeting/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 27 Jul 2026 06:22:20 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Unconstitutional change of Governments]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=23978</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>27 JULY 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/peace-and-security-council-1356th-meeting/">PEACE AND SECURITY COUNCIL 1356TH MEETING</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class="wpb-content-wrapper"><div data-parent="true" class="vc_row row-container" id="row-unique-13"><div class="row limit-width row-parent"><div class="wpb_row row-inner"><div class="wpb_column pos-top pos-center align_left column_parent col-lg-12 single-internal-gutter"><div class="uncol style-light"  ><div class="uncoltable"><div class="uncell no-block-padding" ><div class="uncont" ><div class="uncode_text_column" ><p><a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1356.1.comm_en-1.pdf">Update on the Political Transition in the Republic of Burkina Faso and Republic of Niger</a></p>
<p><a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1356.2.comm_en-1.pdf">Consideration of the Outcome of the 2nd Meeting of the PSC Sub-Committee on Sanctions that was held on 15 July 2026 on “Engagement on Political and Socio-Economic Developments on Preventive Measures against Unconstitutional Changes of Government”</a></p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/peace-and-security-council-1356th-meeting/">PEACE AND SECURITY COUNCIL 1356TH MEETING</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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		<title>Update on the Political Transition in Burkina Faso and Niger</title>
		<link>https://amaniafrica-et.org/update-on-the-political-transition-in-burkina-faso-and-niger/</link>
					<comments>https://amaniafrica-et.org/update-on-the-political-transition-in-burkina-faso-and-niger/#respond</comments>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Amani Africa]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 26 Jul 2026 04:56:09 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Burkina Faso]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Niger]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[2026]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=23921</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>26 July 2026</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/update-on-the-political-transition-in-burkina-faso-and-niger/">Update on the Political Transition in Burkina Faso and Niger</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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<div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h1 class="font-555555 fontsize-189933 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-color-165108-color" ><span><strong>Update on the Political Transition in Burkina Faso and Niger</strong></span></h1></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="vc_custom_heading_wrap "><div class="heading-text el-text" ><h2 class="font-555555 fontsize-182326 fontheight-131383 fontspace-160099 font-weight-600 text-accent-color" ><span>Date | 26 July 2026</span></h2></div><div class="clear"></div></div><div class="uncode_text_column" ></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow (27 July), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) is scheduled to convene a session dedicated to an update on the Political Transition in Burkina Faso and Niger.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The session is expected to commence with opening remarks by Rebecca Amuge Otengo, Permanent Representative of Uganda to the AU and the Chairperson of the PSC for July, followed by a statement by the Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS), Bankole Adeoye. The Special Representative of the AU Commission for Mali and the Sahel and Head of the AU Mission in Mali and the Sahel (MISAHEL), Mamadou Tangara, is expected to brief the Council.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The last time the PSC formally considered the situation in Burkina Faso and Niger was on 30 September 2025, during its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1304.comm_en.pdf">1304<sup>th</sup> session</a>, when it addressed the Sahel region as a whole. That session, convened at ministerial level and attended by AU Commission Chairperson Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, produced perhaps the most <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/September-Monthly-Digest-2025.pdf">notable</a> Sahel-related decision the Council has taken in years: a request to the Chairperson of the Commission to establish a Task Force to support the countries of the Sahel in fighting terrorism, addressing the security, socio-economic and humanitarian dimensions of the crisis. It endorsed Angola&#8217;s proposal, advanced through its Chairmanship of the AU, to convene a Summit on the region. The Council has also engaged the situation in both countries directly using its informal consultation; the last one being held in February 2026 when the PSC held an informal consultation with suspended Member States in political transition, in which representatives of Burkina Faso and Niger took part.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Since April, the Council&#8217;s country-specific engagement on the central Sahel has also become more differentiated in response to evolving security dynamics. Mali has effectively been addressed through a separate track. Following the deadly attacks of 25 April 2026, the PSC convened its <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1342.press_.stat_en.pdf">1342<sup>nd</sup> session</a> on Mali on 28 April, engaging MISAHEL and ECOWAS, and subsequently held an <a href="https://x.com/AUC_PAPS/status/2054900061348225343">informal consultation</a> on 14 May with Mali&#8217;s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Abdoulaye Diop. Against this backdrop, Mali does not feature on tomorrow&#8217;s agenda, reflecting the Council&#8217;s recent and sustained engagement on the country.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">On the ground, Burkina Faso continues to face a severe and evolving terrorist threat, with Jama&#8217;at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) remaining the dominant armed group while the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) maintains operations in parts of the country. Signifying some shifts in the terrorist conflict dynamics in the country, terrorism-related deaths and attacks declined significantly in 2025, according to the Global Terrorism Index, despite the country being the second country on the list of most impacted countries by terrorism. JNIM accounted for more than 80 per cent of attacks during the year and has continued to intensify its campaign through coordinated assaults. Following major early-year operations targeting <a href="https://www.citinewsroom.com/2026/02/govt-confirms-terrorist-attack-on-ghanaian-tomato-traders-in-burkina-faso/">Titao</a>, <a href="https://ednews.net/en/official-terrorist-attacks-kill-44-in-northern-burkina-faso/">Kourakou and Tondobi</a>, JNIM carried out coordinated, multi-pronged assaults between 4–5 July 2026 that overran a military camp in Di (Sourou province) and struck Dalan and Tiéré, inflicting casualties on Defence and Security Forces (FDS) and Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland (VDP). These actions underscore the group&#8217;s growing operational reach into Central-North and Sahel urban perimeters.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Niger presents the starker deterioration. The AU Counter Terrorism Centre&#8217;s data for the second quarter of 2026 shows both attacks and fatalities in Niger nearly tripling compared to the equivalent period in 2025, with the Islamic State Sahel Province (ISSP) and ISGS the most active perpetrators across the Tillabéri, Tahoua and Dosso regions. Two attacks on Niamey&#8217;s international airport, one in January, claimed by <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/1/30/isil-claims-deadly-attack-on-air-base-near-niger">ISSP</a>, and a second on <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/attack-niger-airport-kills-11-members-security-forces-government-says-2026-06-18/">18 June</a> that killed 11 members of the armed forces and two civilians, illustrate a widening geographic reach that now touches the capital itself. The Chairperson of the Commission&#8217;s own <a href="https://au.int/en/pressrelease/statement-chairperson-african-union-commission-terrorist-attacks-niger-and-mali">statement</a>, issued after the 17 July ambush of a Nigerien detachment on the Bankilaré–Téra axis in Tillabéri, described a resurgence of terrorist attacks across the Sahel exacting a heavy toll on both security forces and civilians. Nigerian authorities responded with the December 2025 <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/12/28/niger-military-rulers-order-general-mobilisation-against-armed-groups">declaration</a> of a ‘general mobilisation,’ and the March 2026 plan to <a href="https://maghrebi.org/2026/03/31/niger-military-junta-announces-self-defence-group-plans/">establish</a> territorial self-defence organisations, echoing what Burkina Faso adopted earlier. Since then, <a href="https://www.globalr2p.org/countries/mali/">clashes</a> were reported between self-defence militias and armed Islamist groups in Tillabéri, leading to a fresh wave of reprisal killings and displacement.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The humanitarian toll behind these trend lines is severe. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN-OCHA) figures for the first quarter of 2026 record 2,640 conflict-related deaths and 1,179 security incidents across the Central Sahel. The region hosts 2.8 million internally displaced persons, 2.1 million of them in Burkina Faso and 283,000 in Niger, alongside 444,400 refugees. An estimated 11.4 million people require food assistance, including 2.7 million facing IPC Phase 3-or-worse acute food insecurity, and 401,000 children are suffering from severe acute malnutrition. These figures give texture to what the Council is likely to describe, once again, as a humanitarian emergency inseparable from the security crisis.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Politically, with the withdrawal of AES states becoming effective, the states are entrenching their own independent trajectory. In Burkina Faso, in February, the Transitional Legislative Assembly made a move that went beyond a transitional measure by voting unanimously <a href="https://timbuktu-institute.org/index.php/toutes-l-actualites/item/1369-burkina-faso-between-political-reforms-and-multilateral-diplomacy">to abolish</a> political parties, effectively nullifying the 2001 charter and the 2009 legislation governing party financing and opposition status. The transitional Legislative Assembly unanimously <a href="https://www.ivoirematin.com/en/news/Afrique/burkina-faso-de-la-transition-a-la-revolution-le-grand-virage-dibrahim-traore_n_119945.html">adopted</a> a new ‘Charter of the Popular Progressive Revolution’ on 27 March 2026, replacing the 2022 Transition Charter and its 2024 amendment outright. The new text does not merely extend the timeline; it retires the word ‘transition’ altogether, formally enshrining what Traoré has termed the ‘Progressive Popular Revolution’ as the governing framework, renaming Parliament the ‘People&#8217;s Legislative Assembly,’ abolishing the seat quota previously reserved for political parties and movements, and confirming Traoré&#8217;s own eligibility to contest future elections whenever these are eventually held. Traoré also assumed the rotating chairmanship of the AES College of Heads of State in December 2025.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Niger&#8217;s trajectory mirrors this pattern. The ‘Refoundation Charter’, <a href="https://apanews.net/niger-leader-dissolves-parties-as-detainees-freed/">promulgated</a> in March 2025, granted General Abdourahmane Tchiani a five‑year mandate lasting until 2030. It simultaneously dissolved all political parties, required that any future establishment of foreign military bases be subject to a referendum, and authorised extensions of the transition period based on the &#8216;security situation&#8217;, without providing a definitive timeline for a return to constitutional order.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In terms of AU’s engagement, a major development, which follows the PSC’s call in its 1304<sup>th</sup> session for the ‘intensification of diplomatic engagements with the countries of the Sahel’, was the AU Commission Chairperson Youssouf&#8217;s first visit to Ouagadougou, on 15-16 July, meeting Foreign Minister Karamoko Jean-Marie Traoré and Prime Minister Rimtalba Jean Emmanuel Ouédraogo. In view of the existential threat facing the countries of the Sahel, this is a long overdue mission. Youssouf <a href="https://www.facebook.com/AfricanUnionCommission/posts/the-chairperson-of-the-african-union-au-commission-he-mahmoud-ali-youssouf-was-t/1468575738633426/">stated</a> that his visit was ‘intended to convey the Union’s solidarity with the Government &amp; people of Burkina Faso in their efforts to restore peace, combat terrorism &amp; promote stability.’ He went on to reaffirm ‘the Commission’s commitment to accompanying Burkina Faso, through the relevant organs &amp; institutions of the AU, in support of humanitarian response, public health &amp; sustainable development.’</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">This mission was undertaken as part of what the PSC at its 1304<sup>th</sup> session called ‘constructive engagement’ for restoring the strained relations through direct and high-level AU Commission engagement with the AES states. In this context, Youssouf underscored the importance of strengthening regional cooperation to address shared peace, security &amp; development challenges. He also called for revitalising the Nouakchott Process on security cooperation and for closer AES-ECOWAS harmony, while committing the Commission to a three-pillar Sahel strategy of governance, security and development. In what signals the recognition of the need for a multidimensional approach inclusive of addressing governance issues, the Chairperson noted that the African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance ‘remains an important continental framework for promoting good governance &amp; responsive institutions.’</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Tomorrow’s session will follow up on its earlier decisions. In this context, it is of interest for the Council to receive an update on the establishment of the Task Force adopted at the 1304<sup>th</sup> session of the PSC. It may also follow up on whether the PCRD Centre has developed its promised Sahel programming, and whether Ndayishimiye&#8217;s mandated field visit to all three AES countries, so far realised only in Burkina Faso, will be completed. Other previous decisions of the PSC that warrant follow-up during tomorrow’s session include the <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/wp-content/uploads/1279.comm_en.pdf">1279th session</a> that called for an AFRIPOL-anchored mechanism to map transnational criminal networks and a joint AUC-AFRIPOL-CISSA study on organised crime in the Sahel.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The expected outcome of the session is a communiqué. The PSC could express deep concern over the deteriorating security situation in Burkina Faso and Niger, particularly the persisting terrorist activities by groups affiliated with JNIM, ISGS and ISSP, and underscore the urgent need for strengthened regional and continental coordination to address the evolving threat landscape. The Council may condemn continued terrorist attacks targeting civilians, national defence forces and security institutions, while expressing solidarity with the people of Burkina Faso and Niger and emphasising the importance of responses that address not only immediate security threats but also the governance, development and humanitarian dimensions of the crisis. The PSC may call for enhanced coordination among the AU, ECOWAS, the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), and other regional and international actors, to ensure that the limited resources available are organised around addressing the growing threat endangering the collective existence of affected countries. The PSC may welcome the visit that the AU Commission undertook to the Sahel countries and encourage the AU Commission to sustain its engagement with Burkina Faso and Niger through high-level diplomatic channels. The PSC may request that the Chairperson to develop a strategy to deliver on the commitment he expressed during his visit for AU’s accompaniment of the Sahel countries in their quest for restoring peace, addressing humanitarian challenges and advancing regional cooperation. The PSC may also reiterate its decision on the establishment of the AU Task Force for supporting the Sahel countries in the fight against terrorism and efforts for restoring peace and security. The PSC may also emphasise the importance of addressing governance challenges alongside efforts for restoring peace, including through taking steps that progressively facilitate the creation of conditions for implementation of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance thereby ensuring that suspension of fundamental rights can only be justified for a limited period of time and be carried out only in the public interest and in strict compliance with the principles of necessity, legality and proportionality. The PSC may express concern about and call for enhanced effort for ameliorating the severe humanitarian consequences of the crisis, and may encourage the AU Commission, in coordination with humanitarian actors and regional organisations, to reinforce interventions anchored on a peace-security-development nexus approach that recognises the interconnected nature of the sources of vulnerabilities and humanitarian needs in the Sahel.</p>
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</div><p>The post <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org/update-on-the-political-transition-in-burkina-faso-and-niger/">Update on the Political Transition in Burkina Faso and Niger</a> appeared first on <a href="https://amaniafrica-et.org">Amani Africa</a>.</p>
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