Media, Peace and Security
Media, Peace and Security
Date | 13 November 2025
Tomorrow (14 November), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will convene its 1311th Session virtually under the theme ‘Media, Peace and Security.’
Following opening remarks from Churchill Ewumbue-Monono, the Permanent Representative of Cameroon to the AU and chairperson of the PSC for the month of November, the AU Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS), Bankole Adeoye, is expected to make a statement. It is also anticipated that Ourveena Geereesha Topsy-Sonoo, Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR), will make a presentation alongside Omar Faruk Osman, President of the Federation of African Journalists (FAJ).
Tomorrow’s session builds on the Council’s growing recognition of the role that information ecosystems play in shaping peace, security, and governance outcomes on the continent. Although the PSC held sessions on media regarding the protection of journalists and access to information in conflict situations (1230th Session), in relation to emerging technologies (1097th Session), and how media can enhance accountability on Women, Peace and Security Commitments (635th Session), tomorrow’s session is expected to broaden the discussion to the larger nexus between media, peacebuilding, and democratic stability. The session comes at a time when Africa’s information landscape is transforming rapidly, marked by the expansion of digital technologies, social media platforms, and citizen journalism. While these technologies have empowered civic expression, they have also become potent tools for spreading misinformation, hate, incitement of violence and fueling polarisation in the continent’s fragile security environments.
Recently, it has been observed that in some countries, the manipulation of media at a time of conflict and elections has demonstrated how easily information spaces can turn into battlegrounds. Africa’s history demonstrates the destructive potential of media when manipulated to fuel conflict, from the role of radio in inciting violence during Rwanda’s genocide to the weaponisation of digital platforms in Sudan’s ongoing war. In Sudan, rival factions have launched aggressive online campaigns using hashtags such as #SudanIsBleeding and #ProtectSudaneseCivilians, each seeking to control the narrative and claim victimhood. Analysts describe Sudan’s online space as both a ‘coordinated theatre of emotional and political manipulation’ and a ‘parallel battlefield,’ where competing propaganda shapes perceptions as powerfully as weapons on the ground.
The rise of generative Artificial Intelligence (AI) has also opened a new front in disinformation across Africa, where fake audio, deep fake videos, and endorsements are being used to sway elections and trigger instability. For example, the 2023 presidential election in Nigeria, described as witnessing possibly the first large-scale use of AI-generated electoral content on the continent and the 2024 polls in South Africa, where deep‑fakes depicted the U.S. President Biden issuing threats, to influence public opinion and undermine trust in the electoral process.
On the other hand, there is the use of media by violent extremist groups. Al‑Shabaab not only crafts consistent narratives across Facebook, Telegram, X, YouTube and other media outlets, but also rapidly adapts to platform moderation, creating backup accounts and shifting platforms as needed, thus turning online spaces into an integral front of its overall insurgency strategy. In this regard, the PSC during its 1097th session held in August 2022 has also addressed the dual role of emerging technologies and new media in Africa, recognising their potential to advance democratic governance, peace and sustainable development, while expressing deep concern about their misuse for cyber‑attacks, disinformation, extremist propaganda and hate speech. During that session, the Council requested the AU Commission to undertake a comprehensive study on Emerging Technologies and New Media: Impact on Democratic Governance, Peace and Security in Africa, which is expected to be followed up on during tomorrow’s session.
Given that the session takes place only days after the commemoration of the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists (2 November), tomorrow’s discussions are expected to place strong emphasis on the protection of journalists in conflict settings. While Africa has made commendable progress, with 29 countries having adopted Access to Information laws, journalists, particularly those operating in conflict-affected areas, continue to face grave dangers, including harassment, arbitrary detention, and killings. Somalia, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and the Sahel region remain among the most perilous environments for media practitioners.
A related and equally critical dimension is the plight of women journalists, who are disproportionately impacted by gender-based violence, underrepresentation, and discriminatory media practices. Notably, the gendered nature of online abuse has become increasingly severe; a recent survey by the International Centre for Journalists revealed that 73% of women journalists have experienced online violence, with 25% receiving threats of physical harm and 18% facing threats of sexual violence. In this regard, the ACHPR, in its Press Statement marking the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists, called on African states, technology companies, and civil society to adopt concrete and gender-responsive measures to end impunity for crimes against journalists and ensure a safe and enabling environment for all media professionals.
In view of the foregoing and building on earlier recommendations of the 1230th Session, the PSC could discuss developments regarding national adoption of Access to Information (ATI) laws and gender-sensitive protection mechanisms for women journalists who face distinct threats in both online and physical media environments. Furthermore, the session may consider reviewing progress made on implementing international declarations and resolutions aimed at enhancing the safety of journalists. The Council could also revisit its previous recommendation for AU member states to establish a Working Group on the Protection of Journalists and National Coordination Mechanisms for the Safety of Journalists, while also following up on its call to form a Group of Friends for the Safety of Journalists within the Permanent Representatives Committee (PRC) to collaborate with relevant stakeholders, such as the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and AU Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC) journalists’ networks to strengthen coordination, promote accountability, and ensure a secure environment for media practitioners across the continent.
Another point that is expected to be covered during tomorrow’s session is the phenomenon of media capture and exclusionary representation, which presents formidable obstacles to democratic governance and peacebuilding. On the one hand, the consolidation of media ownership by political elites or business interests, commonly manifested in state-controlled or influenced outlets, impairs independent journalism and skews public discourse: for example, a study found that in parts of Africa other than North Africa, 98 % of the 131 media outlets surveyed were either state-controlled or captured by public/state entities. On the other hand, media narratives routinely marginalise women, youth, minorities and conflict-affected communities, curtailing their voice in public dialogue and thereby eroding inclusive social cohesion.
Despite the dangers, media and technology can also be harnessed constructively to advance peace, reconciliation, and democratic resilience. UNESCO’s recent Social Media 4 Peace project, piloted in Kenya and other countries, exemplifies how digital platforms can be leveraged to promote peace-positive narratives and counter misinformation that fuels division. Similarly, country-level initiatives such as Nigeria’s PesaCheck and Ghana’s CDD fact-checking groups play a vital role in debunking false rumours and mitigating the risk of violence through real-time information verification. Building on these positive innovations, tomorrow’s PSC session presents an important opportunity not only to reaffirm the role of media in early warning and conflict prevention but also to broaden the discussion toward its strategic use in peacebuilding, transitional justice, and mediation processes. The PSC has previously underscored that access to credible and timely information is central to early warning systems and conflict-sensitive decision-making. However, beyond crisis detection, the media can be a platform for facilitating dialogue, supporting reconciliation narratives, and fostering inclusive participation in transitional justice mechanisms. As such, the Council may explore how partnerships with media actors and digital platforms can be institutionalised within the AU’s peace and security architecture, not only as tools for alert and prevention but as enduring instruments for sustaining peace, accountability, and post-conflict healing.
The expected outcome of tomorrow’s PSC session is a press statement. With the aim of strengthening the role of the media in peacebuilding and conflict prevention, the PSC is expected to encourage the AU Commission to integrate media analysis, digital monitoring, and fact-checking partnerships into its early warning and preventive diplomacy initiatives. The Council may also urge post-conflict states to collaborate with media institutions to promote reconciliation narratives, amplify transitional justice messages, and give visibility to victims and marginalised communities. On the safety of journalists, the PSC may reiterate its call to establish a Working Group and a Group of Friends on the Protection of Journalists within the PRC, while urging member states to create National Coordination Mechanisms comprising government, media, civil society, and law enforcement to address threats and impunity. It may further call for the inclusion of measures addressing online and offline gender-based violence against women journalists in national policies. To counter disinformation and hate speech, the PSC may request the AU Commission to expedite completion of the study on Emerging Technologies and New Media and use its findings to develop a continental framework on Digital Peace and Information Integrity. Lastly, the PSC may urge states to align national media and digital governance laws with the ACHPR Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression and promote collaboration between the AU, UNESCO, ACHPR, FAJ, and regional journalist networks to enhance training on digital literacy, conflict-sensitive reporting, and responsible media engagement in peace operations.
Informal Consultation with Member States in Political Transition (Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali, Niger, Sudan)
Informal Consultation with Member States in Political Transition (Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali, Niger, Sudan)
Date | 12 November 2025
Tomorrow (13 November), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will hold an informal consultation with countries in political transition—namely Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali, Niger, and Sudan.
This will be the fourth such informal consultation since the PSC introduced this format into its working methods in April 2023, following its 14th Retreat on Working Methods in November 2022. The informal consultation was established to enable direct engagement with representatives of countries suspended from AU activities due to unconstitutional changes of government. It drew on Article 8(11) of the PSC Protocol. Tomorrow’s consultation is expected to examine progress made and challenges encountered in ongoing transitions since the last consultation in March 2025.
One notable development since the previous consultation was the lifting of Gabon’s suspension from the AU despite the fact that the elections did not comply with Article 25(4) of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG) on the ineligibility of perpetrators of unconstitutional changes of government in elections organised to restore constitutional order. As noted in our April 2025 Monthly Digest, Nguema’s participation and victory, in clear violation of ACDEG, and the subsequent lifting of Gabon’s suspension without the PSC affirming its full commitment to Article 25(4), is not without consequences for AU’s purported policy of zero tolerance to coups. It signalled to coup makers and members of the military in other African countries that the PSC may be ‘willing not to insist on full compliance with AU norms if they opt for speeding up the ‘restoration’ of constitutional order as long as they hold elections.’
Not surprisingly, Guinea’s coup leader and interim president, Mamady Doumbouya, is poised to follow Gabon’s path as the country prepares for elections. The PSC is likely to discuss technical and financial support for credible elections and, echoing its 1284th session, emphasise the importance of inclusivity in Guinea’s political process. In this respect, Guinea’s representative is expected to highlight progress toward the ‘restoration’ of constitutional order, particularly the September 2025 constitutional referendum and the general elections scheduled for 28 December 2025 and the electoral support the country needs. These elections are meant to conclude Guinea’s transition period. However, Doumbouya formally entered the presidential race in early November—reneging on his earlier pledge not to run. The PSC, during its field mission to Conakry in May and its 1284th session, urged the transition authorities to honour their commitment to complete the transition by December 2025, but stopped short of reminding them of the prohibition under Article 25(4) of ACDEG against coup leaders contesting elections. With Doumbouya now a candidate—and his victory highly probable—the PSC may follow the exact approach it applied to Gabon, unless the regional body, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), raises concern. Under the circumstances, whether or not the coup leaders in other countries will run for elections is now a matter of their choice and is not expected to face any opposition from the AU for non-compliance with Article 24(5) of ACDEG.
Similarly, Sudan’s representative may raise the issue of lifting the country’s suspension, citing the May 2025 appointment of Kamil al-Tayeb Idris as civilian Prime Minister by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, Chair of the Transitional Sovereign Council and head of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF). Following the appointment, it is to be recalled that the Chairperson of the AU Commission welcomed it as ‘a step towards inclusive governance.’ However, the appointment of the Prime Minister was not a result of national dialogue, nor did it involve the participation of Sudanese political and social forces. Indeed, discussions around the lifting of Sudan’s suspension remain premature under the prevailing circumstances, where the deteriorating security situation does not allow for an inclusive political process, there is no national dialogue and a clear pathway for the eventual convening of elections. In the light of recent developments including the fall of El Fasher, the last remaining major city in Darfur, into the hands of the para military Rapid Support Forces, marking the de facto partition of Sudan, the discussion may centre on deploying a mechanism for humanitarian and civilian protection in El Fasher and identifying credible pathways for accelerating efforts for peace as well as implementing the previous decisions of the PSC on the situation in Sudan.
Meanwhile, in the remaining countries—Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger—relations with the regional bloc ECOWAS remain strained, as the three states continue consolidating their alliance through the confederation established in 2024. It is becoming increasingly clear that the security situation gets in the way of and provides a pretext for the lack of focused progress in the transition process. In Mali, the National Transitional Council adopted a bill on 3 July 2025 revising the Transitional Charter, granting General Assimi Goïta a renewable five-year term as President of the Transition ‘until peace is restored.’ Similarly, in Burkina Faso, the transition period was extended for another five years, starting in July 2024—the year initially planned for its conclusion. The new charter, signed by Captain Ibrahim Traoré, also allows him to contest in the elections. Niger has taken a similar path. A national conference on rebuilding the country in February 2025 decided that the National Council for the Safeguarding of the Homeland (CNSP), which seized power in July 2023, would remain in power for five years without any clear timeline for elections.
The Council is therefore expected to reiterate the concerns expressed during its 1304th ministerial session on 30 September 2025, which noted with ‘deep concern’ the ‘slow pace of political transition processes’ and urged the transitional authorities to accelerate inclusive transitions, engage all stakeholders, and facilitate genuine political dialogue. It may also again call on these authorities to adhere to their respective transitional roadmaps and operationalise joint transition monitoring committees.
While the issue of progress in the transition process may be the focus of the session, this cannot be separated from and is deeply tied to the possibility of arresting the deepening and widening threat facing these countries. A major issue for tomorrow’s session is the question of how AU and ECOWAS overhaul their approach by integrating the quest for restoration of constitutional order into a wider stabilisation and state authority expansion strategy backed by a security mechanism they develop and deploy together with the Sahel countries to address the existential threat facing these countries.
As such, tomorrow’s consultation needs to both situate the discussion on transition in these countries within the insecurity facing them and consider the kind of role the AU and ECOWAS bring to the counterterrorism efforts of these countries. Similar to Sudan and unlike Gabon and Guinea, the push for progress in the transitional process cannot be abstracted out of the pressing issue facing these countries, which is the terrorism menace that has grown to become an existential threat to these countries. A clear illustration of this involves the recent developments in Mali, with the capital Bamako under imminent threat and cut off from supply routes. Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), affiliated with al-Qaeda, has expanded operations from the north and centre into the western and southern regions of Mali. Its fuel blockade since September has caused severe shortages, power cuts, and economic paralysis in Bamako and other cities, triggering public unrest and fears of broader instability. Weekly fuel deliveries have reportedly fallen from 1,000 to 200 tankers. Facing mounting pressure, General Goïta has replaced several senior military officials, including the deputy chief of staff of the armed forces, the head of military security and the ground forces’ chief of staff, highlighting internal strains within the regime.
The PSC is also expected to discuss the AU’s recent intensified diplomatic engagement with these Sahelian countries and explore ways to enhance coordination. In May, the AU Commission Chairperson met representatives of the three countries in Addis Ababa to explore renewed engagement. This was followed by a visit from Angola’s Minister of External Relations—delivering a message from President João Lourenço, the current AU Chairperson—reaffirming the AU’s commitment to Sahel stability and counterterrorism efforts. In July, the AU Chairperson appointed President Évariste Ndayishimiye of Burundi as Special Envoy for the Sahel. Angola also proposed hosting a summit on the Sahel in Luanda, welcomed by the PSC during its 1304th session. Additionally, former Gambian Foreign Minister Mamadou Tangara was appointed as Special Representative for Mali and the Sahel, and Head of the AU Mission in Mali and the Sahel (MISAHEL). The PSC also decided to establish a Task Force to support counterterrorism in the region and called for a field visit by Special Envoy Ndayishimiye to engage directly with the transitional authorities. In this context, the informal consultation could provide an opportunity to discuss how to advance these initiatives and follow up on the decision of PSC and ECOWAS during their annual consultative meeting last May ‘to develop a security cooperation framework involving the AU and ECOWAS engagement with Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, in order to more effectively address insecurity in the West Africa Region.’
On the other hand, the representative of Sudan is expected to update the PSC on the recent developments in the conflict in Sudan, including the fall of El-Fasher—the last major SAF stronghold— to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) on 26 October, and on reports of attacks on civilians and mass killings committed during and after the takeover. During the emergency meeting held in Sudan on 28 October, the PSC ‘strongly’ condemned the ‘criminal activities against Sudanese civilians and the grave violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, perpetrated by the paramilitary RSF’. The emergency session further requested the AU Commission to regularly monitor and report heinous crimes committed in Sudan, develop proposals on how to address them to prevent their further escalation, develop a plan for the protection of civilians, and make recommendations to the PSC within three weeks. It also requested the Special Envoy on the Prevention of Genocide and Other Mass Atrocities to urgently undertake a fact-finding mission to Sudan and report back to the Council with recommendations within three weeks. While meeting these deadlines may prove challenging, tomorrow’s consultation could consider ways Sudan might facilitate the implementation of these tasks.
As with previous consultations, tomorrow’s engagement is not expected to result in an outcome document.
Amani Africa tells the UNSC to deploy preventive measures with urgency and decisiveness to pull South Sudan from the brink
Amani Africa tells the UNSC to deploy preventive measures with urgency and decisiveness to pull South Sudan from the brink
Date | 11 November 2025
Solomon Ayele Dersso, PhD
Founding Director, Amani Africa
Thank you, Mr President,
I would like to thank you and Sierra Leon’s Presidency for the invitation extended to me to deliver this briefing representing my organisation, Amani Africa Media and Research Services.
I would like to recognise with appreciation the previous briefers, Under-Secretary General Jean-Pierre Lacroix and UN Women Executive Director Sima Bahous.
Amani Africa, a pan-African policy research, training and consulting think tank that works on multilateral policy processes of concern and interest for Africa, is a leading source of information and analysis on conflict situations in Africa on the agenda of both the AU Security Council and this Council.
It is therefore an honour for me to draw on Amani Africa’s work for my briefing today.
Mr President
South Sudan is at a very dangerous crossroads. The country shows all the signs of a clear and present danger of relapsing back to full-scale violent conflict.
Political tension is mounting. Fighting and insecurity are spreading. The dire humanitarian situation is worsening. This Council should therefore heed the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council’s warning of the potential of ‘full-scale civil war’ in South Sudan.
The escalation of political tension and armed fighting since the Nasir incident of March 2025 echoes some of the dynamics that precipitated the relapse of the country back to violent conflict in July 2016.
Similar to 2016 and as documented in the Secretary-General’s report, the deepening political tension manifests itself among others in the purges and replacement of senior officials and detention of others. Apart from aggravating political tension and constitutional uncertainty, these actions constitute, as in 2016, serious violations of the peace agreement, signifying the collapsing of the power-sharing arrangement under the 2018 peace agreement.
The Revitalised Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission (RJMEC), the body monitoring the Revitalised Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (R-ARCSS), observed in its report released last month that there is ‘systematic violation of the responsibility-sharing arrangements across all crucial bodies, including functionality of the executive and legislature.’
The mounting political tension and constitutional crisis are in part a result of the breakdown of the relationship between the parties to the R-ARCSS and the failure of the international community to ensure its faithful implementation. Significantly, it is also a manifestation of a political scheme for taking a lead position for the elections South Sudan is set to convene at the end of the transition period in December 2026.
Alarmingly, as in 2016 and documented in detail in the Secretary-General’s report, the fighting that erupted between the South Sudan People’s Defence Forces (SSPDF) and armed groups linked to the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-in-Opposition (SPLM-IO) has continued to escalate and expand.
With these conditions putting the peace agreement in grave peril, the UN Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan concluded that ‘the 2018 Revitalised Peace Agreement — once seen as a roadmap to stability — risks total collapse, amidst political detentions and escalating conflict.’ It is thus imperative to act on RJMEC’s call that the violations of the peace agreement ‘must be addressed urgently to return the implementation process back on track in order to safeguard the gains of the peace Agreement and to prevent a relapse to violence in South Sudan.’
Tragically, as in 2016 and the Secretary-General’s Report presented today shows, the deteriorating political and security situation is having its heavy toll on civilians, aggravating an already dire humanitarian situation facing them. The spreading and escalating violence is precipitating significant civilian casualties and destruction of critical infrastructure, including health facilities, schools, and public buildings, as well as severe limitations of humanitarian access.
The UN OCHA reported that, in addition to the existing two million internally displaced persons, more than 497,000 people were newly displaced between January and September 2025, the vast majority of them, approximately 321,000, due to the renewed conflict. The alarming humanitarian and civilian protection situation is compounded by worsening economic conditions, corruption and disease outbreaks.
This clearly attests that South Sudanese civilians are bearing the brunt of the deteriorating political and security situation in the country, underscoring a heightening need for reinforcing measures for the protection of civilians and humanitarian support.
Mr President, Excellencies, members of the Council
The state of the political, security, peace implementation and humanitarian situation indicates that there are at least three pressing issues that require the urgent policy action of this Council.
The first of these is arresting the downward political and security spiral and preventing the relapse of the country back to full-scale civil war. There is a need for deploying robust and prompt preventive diplomacy. This should not aim just at ending the escalating and spreading conflicts. It should also seek to avoid the December 2026 elections from plunging the country into conflict, given the fragility of the context in South Sudan and recent trends on the continent, in which political polarisation erupts into destabilising political crises and violent confrontation during elections.
The second pressing issue is restoring the commitment of parties to the 2018 peace agreement and accelerating the implementation of transitional tasks critical to the peaceful conclusion of the transition period with the convening of peaceful and credible elections.
Third, the imperative to expand support to the work of the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS), particularly in terms of the implementation of the measures required for both enhancing protection of civilians and advancing sub-national peacemaking and peacebuilding efforts.
Regarding conflict prevention, there are four actions available to this Council. First, I cannot emphasise enough the importance of this Council expressing and availing its full support to the role and ongoing efforts of the AU and the trilateral mechanism (UN-AU-IGAD) plus RJMEC.
Second, and perhaps importantly, this Council needs to exercise its enormous influence to nudge the parties into both ending unilateral actions endangering the peace of the country and engaging in dialogue. The Council can accomplish this directly on its own by undertaking a field mission to South Sudan and engaging the parties, building on the AU Peace and Security Council’s field mission in August 2025.
Third and complementing the foregoing, this Council may encourage the UN Secretary-General, together with the AU Commission Chairperson, to deploy a joint high-level preventive diplomacy initiative under the UN-AU Joint Framework Partnership for peace and security.
Fourth, and to advance trust building between the parties to the peace agreement, this Council may call for an independent investigation of incidents of violations of the revitalised peace agreement, including the March 2025 incident in Nasir, through a mechanism that is put in place by the UN-AU-IGAD and hold perpetrators of the violations accountable.
Regarding the protection of civilians, I urge the Council to take the following measures. First, to call on all armed actors involved in fighting in South Sudan to cease all hostilities and on the two parties to the revitalised peace agreement to restore full adherence to the Permanent Ceasefire and Transitional Security Arrangements.
Second, the Council should call for respect for all rules of international humanitarian law and human rights by all armed actors and demand that armed actors lift the humanitarian access restrictions they imposed and assure the safety of humanitarian workers to enable the urgent delivery of assistance to the affected communities.
Third and finally, this august body should also expand, rather than cut down, support for UNMISS and task the Mission to elevate its preparedness for meeting the surge in the need for civilian protection in South Sudan.
Mr President, Excellencies
South Sudanese endured so much suffering for far too long. They cannot afford the perpetuation of the status quo, let alone the addition to their suffering. They deserve some respite. The least of which that can be done in this respect is to spare them from yet another descent of the country into full-scale war.
Prevention of the continuation of the downward spiral of South Sudan is also a regional and international peace and security imperative. With neighbouring Sudan under the grip of a brutal war, the region and international peace and security cannot afford the relapse of South Sudan back to full-scale conflict.
Despite the fact that current global and regional dynamics make your role unenviable, taking the measures listed above and putting South Sudan on a path of concluding its transition peacefully are not beyond your abilities.
I urge you to act with urgency and decisiveness, and deliver for South Sudanese civilians yearning to be spared from further suffering, by preventing South Sudan’s collapse back to full-scale civil war.
I thank you for your attention!
The Zohran Way: A New Dawn for Africa’s Youth and Progressive Politics
The Zohran Way: A New Dawn for Africa’s Youth and Progressive Politics
Date | 10 November 2025
By Abdul Mohammed
When Zohran Nkrumah Mamdani won the mayoralty of New York City at the age of 34, it was more than a political victory — it was the triumph of an idea. The son of Africa, born in Kampala to parents of Indian origin, Zohran embodies the very fusion of histories that define our times: migration, resilience, and plural identity. In him converge the moral inheritance of Africa, the intellectual heritage of South Asia, and the cosmopolitan energy of the world’s most diverse city. His ascent is therefore not only an American event; it is an African, Asian, and global affirmation — a triumph of belonging over exclusion, courage over fear, and moral clarity over cynicism.
Zohran’s middle name, Nkrumah, is not incidental. It was bestowed by his father in honor of Kwame Nkrumah, the great Pan-Africanist and Ghana’s founding leader. It is a name that signifies belief in liberation, self-determination, and the moral purpose of politics. That inheritance — Nkrumah’s dream, Nyerere’s integrity, Mandela’s forgiveness, Mbeki’s intellect, and Meles’s strategic vision — flows through Zohran’s political journey. He stands as a continuation of that lineage of African thinkers and reformers who believed that power must serve humanity.
Zohran’s story is a tapestry woven across continents. His great-grandparents migrated from India to East Africa at the dawn of the twentieth century, joining communities of traders, workers, and artisans who built their lives across the shores of the Indian Ocean. His grandparents were born in Tanzania; his father in Uganda. They faced adversity — colonial discrimination, economic displacement, and postcolonial turbulence — yet remained steadfast. Out of struggle they built dignity, and out of diversity they forged strength.
That multicultural lineage shaped Zohran’s worldview. His father, Mahmood Mamdani, the distinguished scholar of African politics and a Ugandan Muslim and his mother, Mira Nair, the acclaimed Indian filmmaker and a Hindu whose art breaks boundaries and celebrates humanity in all its contradictions, nurtured in Zohran a compelling political philosophy and sensibility: the courage to think freely, to act boldly, and to belong everywhere without apology.
In an age of resurgent nationalism and anti-immigrant rhetoric, Zohran’s very being is a political statement. His life and victory rebuke the poisonous myth that immigration erodes nations. On the contrary, his story affirms that migration, when fused with conviction and contribution, renews societies. For African youth, whose families have known migration within and beyond borders, this lesson is profound: identity is not confinement; it is possibility.
Zohran’s campaign was not powered by wealth or privilege. It was built by people — tenants, immigrants, workers, dreamers — who saw in him the rare politician who listened before speaking and stood his ground after listening. In a political age defined by noise, he spoke with clarity. He ran not to please but to persuade, not to divide but to organize. When attacked by demagogues, including former president Donald Trump, he did not retreat. He welcomed debate and drew clear lines between cooperation and capitulation. His courage was moral, not performative.
In his victory speech, Zohran declared, ‘This campaign was never about me. It was about us — about the belief that dignity belongs to every person, and that hope is not naïve; it is necessary.’ Those words, calm but commanding, resonated beyond New York. They are words Africa’s youth must make their own. At a time when politics across the continent has become a contest of power, not purpose, Zohran’s victory reclaims politics as a vocation of public service.
Africa’s demographic majority — its youth — are agitating for change. In the protests on various cities across the continent, they are campaigning for ending the sources of their suffering: unemployment, inequality, and the suffocating dominance of old elites. They see democracy manipulated, elections staged, and opportunities hoarded. Many are tempted by despair or radical rejection of politics altogether. It is precisely in this moment that Zohran’s ascent becomes symbolic.
He did not inherit power; he earned it. He built a movement from the ground up, grounded in progressive ideals — fairness, solidarity, climate justice, housing rights, and respect for labor. He embodied political discipline and youthful optimism in equal measure. His path shows that one can be radical in vision and pragmatic in method. His life disproves the cynical notion that integrity and victory are incompatible.
For African youth, the Zohran Way offers three essential lessons. First, organize before you speak — ideas only endure when built upon collective action. Second, build politics of care — solidarity, not slogans, changes lives. Third, never fear power; speak to it — respect yourself enough to challenge authority without hatred.
Zohran Nkrumah Mamdani represents a renaissance of progressive politics — the rebirth of moral conviction in public life. His campaign was not about ideology but about ethics. Like the African progressives of earlier generations — Nkrumah, Nyerere, Mandela, Mbeki, and Meles — he saw politics as an extension of moral duty, not personal ambition. His multicultural background made him more inclusive, not less; his African upbringing gave him empathy; his South Asian heritage taught him endurance; his American platform gave him voice. From those threads, he wove a universal message: that justice, when local, becomes global.
Zohran Nkrumah Mamdani’s victory is more than a milestone in New York’s history. It is a message to the world, not least of all in Africa: that a new generation, unburdened by inherited fears and unashamed of its plural identity, is ready to lead. It is a message to Africa’s youth — that leadership does not wait for permission; it is claimed through courage, discipline, and compassion.
In the age of fear, Zohran’s journey and electoral victory become the symbol of hope —He is not merely the mayor of a city; he is a mirror of what is possible. Africa’s youth must look into that mirror — and recognize themselves.
The future belongs to those who are unafraid to imagine it. Zohran Nkrumah Mamdani has imagined and courageously pursued it. The time has come for Africa’s youth to use the example and turn their agitation for change into a political movement that will usher the change they dared to imagine.
The content of this article does not represent the views of Amani Africa and reflect only the personal views of the authors who contribute to ‘Ideas Indaba’
Open Session on Youth, Peace and Security
Open Session on Youth, Peace and Security
Date | 10 November 2025
Tomorrow (11 November), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will convene its 1310th session focusing on Youth, Peace and Security (YPS) in Africa. This annual thematic session on YPS will be held as an open session.
Following opening remarks from Churchill Ewumbue-Monono, the Permanent Representative of Cameroon to the AU and chairperson of the PSC for the month of November, the AU Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS), Bankole Adeoye, is expected to make a statement. A statement is also expected from the Migration Division of the AU Commission Department of Health, Humanitarian Affairs and Social Development (HHS). The five Africa Youth Ambassadors for Peace (AYAP), namely: Julien Vikemba, Central Africa Region; Nashiba Nakabira, East Africa Region; Arif Abdeljalil Moussa, North Africa Region; Mpule Kgetsi, Southern Africa Region; and Simone Mbode Diouf, West Africa Region, are also expected to make statements. It is also expected that the representatives from the United Nations Office to the AU (UNOAU) and the European Union Delegation to the AU will make remarks.
The session is being held just days after the conclusion of the 5th Pan-African Youth Forum, held from 4 – 6 November 2025 in Djibouti, under the theme ‘From Aspiration to Action: Youth as Catalysts for Sustainable Development.’
It is worth recalling that the PSC, during its 807th session held in November 2018, decided to ‘institutionalise and regularise an annual open session dedicated to Youth, Peace and Security in Africa.’ Since then, as shown in the table below, the PSC held a session on YPS annually except in 2021, with some years featuring more than one session on YPS.
This year’s session is expected to be held under the theme ‘Migration, Youth and Security,’ linking the month’s Chair regular focus on humanitarian issues with the YPS agenda. Deprived of opportunities at home by the pervasive extractive national and international development and governance systems, many young Africans are compelled to migrate under perilous conditions that threaten their safety and dignity.
The focus on migration puts a spotlight on how the chronic development and governance challenges lead to increasing youth migration and the entanglement of migration with various threats to peace and security, including transnational organised crime, such as smuggling of persons and terrorism. Despite challenges to accurate migration data in Africa, as one study from 2019 pointed out, youth constitute the largest percentage of African migrations. According to this study, ‘over 60% of African migrants are estimated to be under 35 years old.’ Additionally, highlighting increasing pressure facing the youth, drawing on data from the Afrobarometer survey, the study observed that ‘almost 1/3rd of young Africans have thought somewhat or a lot about moving to another country, almost twice as many as those older than 35.’
Of particular significance from the study referenced above is that almost 80.0% of migration in Africa is motivated by the search for better economic and social prospects. This echoes the observation by the African Centre for the Study and Research on Migration that ‘most young African people (hard hit by poverty, unemployment, underemployment, severe social and economic hardships, and lack of quality education and training, among other challenges) see migration internally or internationally as a fundamental resilience or social mobility strategy as they are desperate to change their lives.’
However, during the past five years, the share of conflict and climate change as drivers of migration has increased significantly. This corresponds to the increase in the number and geographic spread of conflicts that the continent has witnessed during this period. Such increasing interface between youth migration and peace and security in Africa signifies the need for integrating migration as one major thematic pillar of the YPS agenda.
Addressing this migration crisis is not only a development priority but also a critical step towards tackling the human security dimension of Africa’s migration challenges, thereby contributing significantly to advancing the YPS agenda in Africa. The upcoming meeting also provides an opportunity to advance discussions on the imperative of a Common African Position (CAP) on Migration and Development, particularly in light of recurring incidents of mass expulsions across the continent.
While this is the first session dedicated fully to migration in the context of YPS, it is not the first time that the PSC referenced migration in relation to the YPS agenda. In the communiqué of its 807th meeting, the PSC, among other things, reiterated the terms of the communiqué of the 771st PSC meeting held on 11 May 2018, as well as paragraph 23 of the Assembly Decision [Assembly/AU/Dec.695(XXXI)] adopted by the 31st Ordinary Session of the AU Assembly of Heads of State and Government in 2018 relating to the establishment of the African Observatory for Migration, with a view to ‘create conditions conducive to orderly migration of the African youth.’ Following its launch in 2020, the African Migration Observatory (AMO) has become increasingly active, including, among others, on addressing harmonisation and standardisation of migration statistics across African states and Regional Economic Communities (RECs), as the data landscape is still highly fragmented.
This session also comes in the context of rising incidents of Generation Z (GenZ) protests on the continent during the course of the year, as reported in several countries, of which the one in Madagascar led to the unseating of the president. It is the same conditions of socio-economic and political governance deficits that push youth into the perilous journey of migration, precipitating the youth protests.
This session (which comes just a year before the African Youth Charter commemorates its 20th year, in 2026, since coming into force) will build on its previous session on YPS, held in November 2024 at PSC’s 1243rd meeting. Among others, the Council directed the AU Commission to present the draft Continental Guideline for the Development and Implementation of the National Action Plans (NAPs) on YPS to the PSC Committee of Experts for validation and, ultimately, to the Council for consideration and adoption within three months.
As captured in our analysis on the previous substantial session of youth, peace and security held in 2024, it emerged that there has been a notable surge in interest in adopting the NAPs for YPS, with at least four countries (Ethiopia, Liberia, The Gambia and Zimbabwe) reporting to be at different phases. As of November 2024, only two Member States – DRC and Nigeria – had officially launched their NAPs on YPS. Over to 2025, five additional countries – Burundi, Malawi, The Gambia, Liberia and Cameroon – have followed suit, bringing the continental total to seven. This marks the highest number of YPS NAPs in any region globally. Nonetheless, with only seven countries out of the AU’s target of 25% of Member States having adopted NAPs, much work still lies ahead to achieve the desired level of implementation. Against this backdrop of an increasing number of AU Member States expressing interest to develop NAP on YPS, the Guideline – upon adoption by the PSC – will create an opportunity for the AU, RECs/RMs and other stakeholders to have a common reference point to assist these countries in developing NAP. With tomorrow’s session focus on migration, the integration of youth migration and the issues facing youth on the move as an area of focus in NAPs on YPS would be of interest for PSC members.
The session is also expected to feature a briefing by the AYAP members, who are expected to share reflections on the activities undertaken across their respective regions to date, as well as efforts in enhancing regional capacity strengthening of the youth and youth-led initiatives. In this regard, their presentations are expected to feature efforts made to promote the adoption of NAPs; experiences from their engagement in advancing the YPS agenda; and discussions for enhancing its implementation, particularly through AYAP contribution.
At the continental level, the efforts in operationalisation of the Network of African Youth in Conflict Prevention and Mediation (WiseYouth Network) are also expected to receive attention. Following the beginning of the mandate of the new members of the first Cohort of the WiseYouth Network, the WiseYouth Network convened the first African Youth Consultation on Mediation, Preventive Diplomacy and Peace Processes from 30 September to 2 October 2025, in Kigali, Rwanda. The platform brought together young peacebuilders from over 30 AU Member States to, among others, ‘map and assess the level of youth engagement in peace processes; identify emerging challenges and opportunities for youth participation; and develop a strategic roadmap on upscaling the role of African Youth in Preventive Diplomacy and Mediation.’
In terms of coordination with RECs/RMs, the Youth for Peace (Y4P) Africa programme, for instance, has worked closely with COMESA and other partners in convening key platforms such as the 4th Ministerial High-Level Meeting on YPS in Madagascar (2024) and the 4th Intergenerational Dialogue Forum focused on Island States (2025). Additionally, youth mainstreaming within AU Organs and RECs has gained traction through the implementation of the Youth Engagement Strategy (YES), which has inspired entities like the APRM to appoint youth officers and institutionalise youth engagement programmes.
The expected outcome is a communiqué. The PSC may express serious concern about the extractive national and international development and governance systems, depriving African youth of opportunities for a dignified life, further aggravated by insecurity and climate change, forcing them to venture into dangerous migration. It may also underscore the need for addressing the root causes of youth migration, most particularly the socio-economic and political governance deficits and may, in this respect, urge all AU Member States to adopt policy measures responsive to the needs of the youth, including unemployment. Council may call on the AU Commission to present the Guideline for the Development and Implementation of NAPs on YPS for adoption. The PSC is also expected to stress the urgent need to search for a lasting solution to the deplorable situation of African migrants, with whom most are youth, as a shared responsibility of all Member States. The PSC may call on the AU Commission to ensure the integration of migration as one major thematic pillar of the YPS agenda and as an area of focus in NAPs. Council is also expected to underscore the need for continued close collaboration and complementarity of efforts between the AYAPs, the WiseYouth Network, the Youth for Peace Africa programme, the AGA-APSA Secretariat, as well as Youth Focal Points in the RECs/RMs and youth networks, to ensure that efforts and programmes are context-specific and synergised for greater impact. In this context, the PSC is likely to highlight the imperative of the implementation of the outcomes of the 3rd Continental Dialogue on YPS, which include leveraging coordination, partnerships and resource mobilisation for the implementation of the YPS agenda and the integration of peace education in school curricula.
Repositioning Africa for a multipolar global order: Insights from negotiating the Pact for the Future
Repositioning Africa for a multipolar global order: Insights from negotiating the Pact for the Future
Date | 6 November 2025
INTRODUCTION
For Africa, this era, in which the world is living through a historic transition from a multilateral system underwritten by a dominant hegemon backed by a strong bloc to a world order characterised increasingly by multipolarity, brings both perils and opportunities. Both the perils and opportunities necessitate the repositioning of the continent. This is imperative both for shielding the continent from the perils that the uncertainties and tensions that accompany the transition and for enabling it to seize the opportunities for ending the marginal place to which it has hitherto been relegated in the order that is coming to an end and become an active player to make the emerging global order more amenable for securing the wellbeing of its peoples.
Speech of Amb Souef Mohamed El-Amine, Chief of Staff of the African Union Commission during the opening of the joint Amani Africa, Chatham House & UNDP high-level event on 5 November 2025
Speech of Amb Souef Mohamed El-Amine, Chief of Staff of the African Union Commission during the opening of the joint Amani Africa, Chatham House & UNDP high-level event on 5 November 2025
Date | 5 November 2025
Excellence Monsieur le Ministre des Affaires étrangères de la République fédérale démocratique d’Ethiopie,
Messieurs et Mesdames les Ministres, les Ambassadeurs et Représentants permanents des Organisations internationales
Distingués invités,
Honorable Assistance
Mesdames et Messieurs,
A l’entame de mon propos, je voudrais adresser les remerciements de l’UA à Chatham House, à Amani Africa, au PNUD et au gouvernement éthiopien pour avoir pris l’initiative d’organiser ce forum. Je tiens également à vous adresser les salutations du Président de la Commission de l’UA, S.E. Mahmoud Ali Youssouf en route pour le Brésil pour faire entendre la voix de l’Afrique.
C’est un privilège de m’adresser à vous aujourd’hui ici à Addis-Abeba, au cœur des institutions continentales africaines, pour discuter de l’influence croissante de notre continent et de sa capacité accrue à agir dans la gouvernance mondiale. L’Afrique n’est plus un observateur passif des affaires mondiales ; nous participons activement à façonner les résultats, définir les agendas et promouvoir des solutions qui servent non seulement nos peuples, mais aussi l’humanité tout entière.
À travers le continent, l’Afrique fait preuve d’un leadership concret. Les initiatives régionales renforcent les cadres de sécurité collective, font progresser les efforts de consolidation de la paix et favorisent la résilience économique. Aujourd’hui, les opérations de maintien de la paix dirigées par l’Afrique mobilisent plus de 75 000 personnes déployées sur plusieurs missions, démontrant notre capacité à maintenir la stabilité et à gérer les conflits. Sur le plan économique, le commerce intra-africain dans le cadre de la ZLECAF a atteint plus de 100 milliards de dollars au cours de ses deux premières années, signe d’une intégration régionale croissante. Dans le domaine de l’énergie, l’Afrique est en bonne voie pour doubler sa capacité de production d’énergie renouvelable à plus de 300 gigawatts d’ici 2030, tandis que les initiatives d’industrialisation verte devraient créer des millions d’emplois durables à travers le continent.
L’influence croissante de l’Afrique repose sur la confiance, le respect mutuel et un engagement partagé envers l’humanité. Au sein de nos institutions, la collaboration s’approfondit, le pouvoir de négociation augmente et l’action collective devient plus efficace. En alignant les politiques, en échangeant des expertises et en promouvant l’intégration régionale, l’Afrique transforme son potentiel en résultats tangibles et mesurables qui profitent à nos peuples et contribuent à un ordre mondial plus équitable. Par exemple, des efforts de santé publique coordonnés ont permis de réduire l’incidence du paludisme de plus de 20 % dans plusieurs régions, illustrant la puissance de la solidarité continentale en action.
À l’échelle mondiale, l’Afrique retrouve la place qui lui revient. D’abord au G20 dont le prochain Sommet se tient pour la première fois en terre africaine dans deux semaines. L’Afrique oeuvre pour avoir sa place au sein du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies, mais aussi dans les institutions financières internationales. L’Afrique s’engage de manière stratégique avec ses partenaires, en influençant les discussions sur le commerce, l’investissement, le climat et le transfert de technologie, tout en affirmant sa voix dans la définition des normes en matière de paix, de sécurité et de développement durable. L’innovation africaine, l’influence culturelle et l’énergie entrepreneuriale créent un soft power qui amplifie les priorités et les perspectives du continent dans le monde entier. L’économie numérique à elle seule devrait atteindre 150 milliards de dollars d’ici 2030, avec plus de 450 millions d’utilisateurs mobiles d’internet, offrant une plateforme pour l’innovation, l’entrepreneuriat des jeunes et la connectivité panafricaine.
Mais l’influence seule ne suffit pas. L’Afrique recherche des résultats tangibles, fondés sur l’équité, la solidarité et le respect de la dignité humaine. Plus précisément, nous appelons à :
- Un accès fiable et prévisible aux financements climatiques et au développement, visant au moins 100 milliards de dollars par an pour soutenir les transitions énergétiques, l’industrialisation et des infrastructures résilientes.
- Un soutien aux initiatives africaines dans le domaine de la paix, de la sécurité et de la stabilité régionale, garantissant un financement soutenu de l’Architecture africaine de paix et de sécurité, qui sous-tend plus de 75 000 personnels déployés.
- En 2007, l’Afrique a réussi à remettre la Somalie sur la carte.
- Des partenariats renforçant la souveraineté économique, favorisant l’intégration régionale et libérant le plein potentiel de la ZLECAF, dont la croissance commerciale devrait passer de 100 milliards de dollars aujourd’hui à 450 milliards de dollars d’ici 2030.
- La reconnaissance du leadership africain dans les solutions durables, depuis l’expansion de la production solaire et éolienne jusqu’au développement des pôles industriels verts, qui pourraient générer plus de 15 millions d’emplois d’ici 2030 et contribuer de manière significative aux objectifs mondiaux de réduction du carbone.
This is the moment for Africa to move from aspiration to achievement, from potential to performance. By leveraging our resources, creativity, and collective resolve and by building partnerships grounded in trust, mutual respect, and humanity, we can advance a vision of global governance that is inclusive, just, and effective.
Let us therefore commit, here in Addis Ababa, to tangible action, bold partnerships, and outcomes that transform influence into impact. Africa is ready to lead, to innovate, and to deliver. The world is watching and Africa will rise.
I Thank you.
Keynote Address by H.E. Dr. Gedion Timothewos Minister of Foreign Affairs of the F.D.R.E At the Chatham House Conference on “Africa’s Rising Influence: Advancing Agency in Foreign Policy and Global Governance” 5 November 2025
Keynote Address by H.E. Dr. Gedion Timothewos Minister of Foreign Affairs of the F.D.R.E At the Chatham House Conference on “Africa’s Rising Influence: Advancing Agency in Foreign Policy and Global Governance” 5 November 2025
Date | 5 November 2025
Excellencies, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen,
It is a great pleasure to welcome you all to Addis Ababa, the diplomatic capital of Africa and the home of our continental union. This city has been the site for some of the most consequential moments in modern Africa’s political history. Therefore, it is a fitting venue for a collective reflection on how our continent can shape the global order during this time of profound change.
Only a few days ago, a convoy of trucks as well as cargo planes left Ethiopia carrying the first shipment of goods traded under the African Continental Free Trade Area. They were bound for Kenya, Somalia, and South Africa, filled with coffee, fruits, and processed foods. It was a modest start, yet deeply symbolic.
Those trucks and planes carried more than merchandise — they carried the promise of a continent trading with itself, investing in itself, and believing in its own capacity.
Such seemingly simple acts capture the essence of what this gathering seeks to advance: African agency, solidarity and cooperation as the foundations of our rising collective influence.
We are meeting at a moment when global power is dispersing and the old assumptions of international politics are being redefined. As the world transits toward multipolarity, Africa must not be a bystander or a prize in someone else’s contest for influence.
In a continent that is obsessed with football, I hope you will forgive me if I use a soccer metaphor to illustrate the reality of multipolarity.
If we were to use a football analogy to provide a simple depiction of the Cold War era, the best parallel would be with the Spanish La Liga. As most of those who follow the European football leagues understand, in the Spanish La Liga, the main contenders for the championship are Barcelona and Real Madrid. The real competition is between these two clubs.
Of course, there are other clubs in the league, but it is these two clubs are more often than not, the most likely to finish at the top of the league. During the Cold War, just like the Spanish La Liga, there were two contenders for global supremacy. There were two superpowers, and everybody else was playing second fiddle.
Then, the Cold War came to an end. The world witnessed a unique unipolar moment that is very similar to the French Ligue 1, where PSG is the sole dominant force. Year after year, one entity takes the top position without much difficulty or serious challenge.
But this era of unipolarity seems to be coming to an end. Right now, international relations are more akin to the English Premier League, where several clubs compete fiercely to finish in the top five. In this League, competition is intense and outcomes cannot be predicted with confidence.
Today, we find ourselves in such a context. We live in a world where competition is becoming more salient than cooperation. The entities engaged in this competition are not just the big powers. There are also middle powers in intense competition with one another as they each try to carve out a sphere of influence for themselves.
The scope of competition includes the economic, technological, and military spheres. It is rife with transient alliances, pragmatic transactions, and a complex web of considerations that are difficult to pin down.
Normative frameworks, established national doctrines, multilateral institutions and procedures seem to be having a diminished effectiveness.
The question we need to consider is how the African continent should approach this situation.
What are the opportunities and risks this multipolar world present to Africa?
In this context, is there room for collective continental action?
Will Africa be subject to another scramble or would it emerge as a rising power in its own right?
How can we expand and consolidate our influence?
This and many other related questions require serious deliberation. We need to reflect deeply and critically on these questions.
If Africa is to be a co-author of the evolving global order, we need to be conscious of the new reality and wide awake to its implications.
The African Union’s accession to the G20 is a recognition that the world’s challenges — from equitable growth to climate resilience — cannot be solved without African participation and leadership.
Yet participation alone is not enough. Our task now is to turn presence into influence, and influence into tangible outcomes for our people.
For Ethiopia, the key lies in synergetic unity of purpose, institutional strength, and shared prosperity. Our continental frameworks already provide the tools we need — the African Union, the Regional Economic Communities, and the AfCFTA.
What we must do now is make them work in harmony and effectively. The existence of the institutions should not be an end in itself.
Regional organizations such as IGAD, ECOWAS, and SADC should serve as operational engines of continental integration. When these regional blocks are better aligned with the AU Commission and the AfCFTA Secretariat, Africa can act with one voice — in trade negotiations, in peace initiatives, and in shaping global norms.
Ethiopia’s own experience shows that regional cooperation is not a choice but a necessity. In the Horn of Africa, we are working with our neighbours to expand cross-border infrastructure, trade corridors, and power interconnections.
This imperative of interdependence is a principle that should guide our thinking and action.
The reform of global governance structures is another pillar of our collective aspiration. Institutions created eight decades ago no longer reflect today’s realities. The United Nations Security Council, for instance, should include full permanent African representation.
This is not a demand for privilege but for fairness — a recognition that Africa contributes the most to peacekeeping, bears the greatest cost of global instability, and deserves to have a meaningful voice in global decision making.
Similarly, the international financial architecture must also be reformed to reflect our economic realities. Ethiopia supports the establishment of a regional credit rating agency that captures the real dynamism of African economies, free from outdated perceptions.
We also advocate for reforms that expand access to development finance, climate adaptation resources, and debt restructuring mechanisms that enable countries to invest in their future.
Peace and prosperity are inseparable. Our continent’s security challenges cannot be outsourced; they must be met through African-led solutions that prioritize prevention, dialogue, and regional solidarity. Ethiopia continues to support the African Peace and Security Architecture and efforts to secure predictable financing for peace operations.
Africa’s influence, however, will not be defined only by political and economic factors. It will also be shaped by its culture, its creativity, and its people.
From music to innovation, from fashion to technology, our youth are reshaping global perceptions of Africa continent. This soft power — the power of ideas and identity — must become an integral part of our foreign policy.
It is through telling our own stories, in our own voices, that we will secure a rightful place in global discourse.
Excellencies,
the world is watching Africa with renewed attention. The question is no longer whether Africa matters — but how Africa will choose to lead.
From the AfCFTA trucks crossing our borders to the African Union’s seat at the G20 table, from our peace missions to our green energy ambitions, every initiative signals a continent asserting its voice and shaping its own destiny.
Nevertheless, we need to bear in mind the fact that progress is not linear and that we still face many challenges. Our rise should not be a short-term phenomenon. Africa’s rise should not be seen as a transient illusion built on fashionable platitudes.
In this vein, we should remind ourselves, we are still very far from the Africa we want. We are still not close to an African century.
Excellencies,
We need to look at the longue duree and imagine a future where we have not just influence but decisive impact. We need to lay the foundations for an African century.
If demographic trends are anything to go by, the 22nd century is bound to be the African century. For that to be a reality, the choices we make, the commitments we enter into and the priorities we adopt today make all the difference.
Preserving our sovereignty over our resources, channelling the energy and dynamism of the youth in more constructive and productive directions are among the paramount duties of our generation.
Ethiopia stands ready to work with all African nations and our international partners to ensure that this moment of possibility becomes a sustained era of progress.
The future we seek — one of dignity, solidarity, and prosperity — depends on how we deploy our collective capacity as a continent with bold strategic foresight.
Thank you.
